{"id":104991,"date":"2026-04-03T00:25:12","date_gmt":"2026-04-02T21:25:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-ali-maskan-turqia-ne-sistemin-nderkombetar-shumekohor-ekuilibri-racional-perballe-teopolitikes\/"},"modified":"2026-04-03T00:25:12","modified_gmt":"2026-04-02T21:25:12","slug":"nga-ali-maskan-turqia-ne-sistemin-nderkombetar-shumekohor-ekuilibri-racional-perballe-teopolitikes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-ali-maskan-turqia-ne-sistemin-nderkombetar-shumekohor-ekuilibri-racional-perballe-teopolitikes\/","title":{"rendered":"Nga Ali Maskan: Turqia n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar shum\u00ebkohor, ekuilibri racional p\u00ebrball\u00eb teopolitik\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Nga<\/figure>\n

N\u00eb shkrimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar, konfliktin mes SHBA-s\u00eb, Izraelit dhe Iranit e kishim analizuar nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i \u201cfundit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d. Le t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb prej aty, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe faktorin Turqi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb model.<\/p>\n

\u00c7do tradit\u00eb fetare e konsideron procesin e shpalljes hyjnore si nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese n\u00eb kuptimin e historis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, historia mund t\u00eb lexohet n\u00eb dy nivele t\u00eb ndryshme nd\u00ebrgjegjeje: \u201cpara shpalljes\u201d( pre-revelation) dhe \u201cpas shpalljes\u201d (post-revaliation). Kjo ndarje i jep qart\u00ebsi edhe analiz\u00ebs son\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7do fe, pas shpalljes q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb, nis nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl historik dhe, me bindjen se nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb di\u00e7ka thelb\u00ebsisht t\u00eb re n\u00eb jet\u00eb, ku fillon t\u00eb pres fundin e historis\u00eb. Por ky \u201cfund\u201d mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00eb fillim i ri.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr hebrenjt\u00eb, t\u00eb krishter\u00ebt dhe mysliman\u00ebt, ky cik\u00ebl historik fillon n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb ndryshme, sepse \u00e7do shpallje mbart brenda saj nj\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi mij\u00ebravje\u00e7are.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar m\u00eb her\u00ebt ciklin e shpalljes jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb prirur t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtojn\u00eb pritjen p\u00ebr fundin e historis\u00eb. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb myslimane ekzistojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrime p\u00ebr Kijametin, por shtetet zakonisht nuk nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb politikat e tyre mbi k\u00ebto skenare. Ndryshe paraqitet situata n\u00eb disa rryma shiite, si\u00e7 e kemi p\u00ebrmendur edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo krijon dallime n\u00eb qasjen strategjike t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve: disa p\u00ebrpiqen ta p\u00ebrshpejtojn\u00eb fundin, disa t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatiten p\u00ebr t\u00eb dhe disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb ta shtyjn\u00eb at\u00eb. Prandaj, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duhet t\u00eb analizohen n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cTeoris\u00eb s\u00eb Sistemit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Shum\u00ebkohor\u201d.<\/p>\n

Qasja e \u201cstrategjis\u00eb s\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d e trajton tensionin mes SHBA-s\u00eb, Izraelit dhe Iranit jo thjesht si konflikt ushtarak, por si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb perceptimeve teologjike t\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe objektivave mesianike.<\/p>\n

Kjo qasje tregon se kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh aktor\u00ebsh q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm sipas logjik\u00ebs racionale politike, por edhe sipas nj\u00eb \u201ckalendari t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d. Strategjit\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebrplasen n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me pritjet eskatologjike t\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb tyre fetare, nd\u00ebrsa Turqia shfaqet si nj\u00eb faktor q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr racional n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cloj\u00eb shahu\u201d teologjik.<\/p>\n

Perceptimi i fundit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs: e shtyn Izraelin dhe segmentet evangeliste n\u00eb SHBA drejt p\u00ebrgatitjes s\u00eb kushteve p\u00ebr ardhjen e Mesihut dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e Tempullit t\u00eb Tret\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa Iranin e shtyn drejt menaxhimit t\u00eb kaosit dhe rezistenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar ardhjen e Imamit t\u00eb 12-t\u00eb (Mehdiut), p\u00ebrmes konceptit t\u00eb \u201cVelajet-it t\u00eb Fakihut\u201d.<\/p>\n

SHBA-ja e mb\u00ebshtet Izraelin jo vet\u00ebm si aleat strategjik, por edhe sepse nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e fuqishme evangeliste n\u00eb SHBA e sheh ekzistenc\u00ebn e Izraelit si kusht p\u00ebr shp\u00ebtimin e tyre fetar. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb bllok, \u201ckoha\u201d matet me realizimin e profecive biblike. Vendime si shpallja e Jerusalemit kryeqytet interpretohen si hapa p\u00ebr p\u00ebrshpejtimin e k\u00ebtij \u201corari t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Irani vendos p\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebtij \u201ckalendari mesianik\u201d per\u00ebndimor nj\u00eb koncept t\u00eb vetin t\u00eb \u201ckoh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d. Prania e saj n\u00eb Liban, Siri dhe Jemen nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm ndikim gjeopolitik, por edhe pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb \u201cmarshi t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d. Izraeli shihet si figur\u00eb \u201cdexhalli\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa lufta konceptohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb prov\u00eb besimi sesa si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrballje e thjesht\u00eb ushtarake.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse konflikti aktual mes k\u00ebtyre aktor\u00ebve p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, e mb\u00ebshtetur nga operacione tok\u00ebsore, at\u00ebher\u00eb pritjet p\u00ebr ngjarje apokaliptike si Armagedoni apo \u201cMelhameja e Madhe\u201d q\u00eb mund t\u00eb aktivizohen.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar t\u00eb till\u00eb: siguria nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, kontrolli i energjis\u00eb dhe stabiliteti ekonomik mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb plan t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa \u201cvendosja e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs\u201d kthehet n\u00eb prioritet strategjik. Diplomacia shnd\u00ebrrohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar koh\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa arm\u00ebt b\u00ebrthamore mund t\u00eb shihen jo m\u00eb si mjete parandalimi, por si instrumente q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb fundi apokaliptik.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, sjellja e k\u00ebtyre aktor\u00ebve nuk mund t\u00eb shpjegohet plot\u00ebsisht vet\u00ebm me motive teologjike. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamohueshme se narrativat eskatologjike luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb legjitimimin dhe orientimin e vendimeve strategjike.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e pritjeve eskatologjike t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb: avantazh apo rrezik?<\/p>\n

Turqia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb as n\u00eb \u201cshtytjen apokaliptike\u201d t\u00eb boshtit SHBA\u2013Izrael dhe as n\u00eb kalendarin eskatologjik \u201ct\u00eb fokusuar te Mehdiu\u201d t\u00eb Iranit. Kjo qasje sekulare e b\u00ebn Ankaran nj\u00eb nga aktor\u00ebt m\u00eb racional\u00eb dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb parashikuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb rajon. Por, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, krijon edhe rrezikun q\u00eb, brenda \u201ckronologjis\u00eb s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb rival\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, veprimet e Turqis\u00eb t\u00eb perceptohen si \u201cdevijim strategjik\u201d ose si nj\u00eb \u201cpenges\u00eb sekulare q\u00eb duhet kap\u00ebrcyer\u201d.<\/p>\n

Turqia, me identitetin e saj si nj\u00eb lloj \u201cbarriere e Tok\u00ebs s\u00eb Premtuar\u201d, p\u00ebrballet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me skajin eskatologjik t\u00eb zgjerimit teologjik t\u00eb Izraelit q\u00eb shtrihet deri n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e Anadollit. Ky kontakt gjeografik e nxjerr Turqin\u00eb p\u00ebrtej rolit t\u00eb nj\u00eb aktori t\u00eb thjesht racional, duke e kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb objektiv t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb strategjive \u201ct\u00eb shenjta\u201d dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb nyje ky\u00e7e t\u00eb betej\u00ebs p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Politika e jashtme e Turqis\u00eb: \u201cFrena racionale\u201d<\/p>\n

Turqia nuk vepron sipas nj\u00eb kalendari t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb, por mbi baz\u00ebn e interesave komb\u00ebtare dhe stabilitetit rajonal. Me nj\u00eb qasje sekulare gjeopolitike, ajo p\u00ebrballet me \u00e7\u00ebshtje konkrete si: korridoret energjetike , siguria kufitare dhe flukset e refugjat\u00ebve. Nd\u00ebrkaq, l\u00ebvizjet e rival\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb \u201cprofeci\u201d, materializohen si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime reale p\u00ebr Turqin\u00eb. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb roli klasik \u201cnd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesi\u201d, Turqia ndjek nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb \u201cmbylljes s\u00eb hap\u00ebsirave\u201d (area denial). Pra, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt me ngarkes\u00eb mesianike, ajo synon ta bllokoj\u00eb zgjerimin e saj p\u00ebrmes krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb brezi sigurie. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, Turqia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb aktor balancues, por edhe nj\u00eb \u201caktor tampon nd\u00ebrkohor\u201d, q\u00eb q\u00ebndron mes logjikave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb koh\u00ebs (teologjike dhe historike). Kjo e b\u00ebn at\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shtetet m\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme n\u00eb rajon. Bashk\u00ebrendimi i interesave mes sistemeve si Greenwich dhe Kandilli (si simbolik\u00eb e koh\u00ebs globale dhe lokale) mund t\u2019i jap\u00eb Turqis\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebrtej parashikimeve n\u00eb fushat e financ\u00ebs, energjis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb tregtis\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb potencial i till\u00eb mbart edhe rreziqe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr SHBA-n\u00eb dhe Izraelin: Turqia shihet si nj\u00eb \u201cpenges\u00eb sekulare q\u00eb duhet bindur\u201d edhe si barriera m\u00eb e madhe politike e ushtarake, p\u00ebrpara zgjerimit teologjik. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, lind tendenca q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb vihet n\u00ebn ndikim p\u00ebrmes presioneve financiare dhe ushtarake.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Iranin: Neutraliteti i Turqis\u00eb pengon q\u00eb strategjia iraniane p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb \u201ckaosi t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebrmes polarizimit shiito-sunit t\u00eb gjej\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb plot\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn sunite.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr vendet e rajonit: Turqia paraqitet si nj\u00eb \u201combrell\u00eb sigurie\u201d dhe si nj\u00eb model i mes\u00ebm, ku mund t\u00eb strehohen p\u00ebrball\u00eb ekstremizmave me karakter mesianik. P\u00ebrplasja mes p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb SHBA-Izraelit p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb \u201cmbret\u00ebrie hyjnore\u201d dhe rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Iranit t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb konceptin e Mehdiut \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb drejt \u201cfundit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, fakti q\u00eb Turqia nuk ka nj\u00eb objektiv eskatologjik e b\u00ebn at\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht: objektivin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb k\u00ebtij konflikti dhe nj\u00eb nga zgjidhjet e vetme t\u00eb mundshme. Turqia ndjek nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb nuk pret \u201ckoh\u00ebn e shenjt\u00eb\u201d, por synon t\u00eb menaxhoj\u00eb \u201ckoh\u00ebn historike\u201d, duke vepruar si nj\u00eb balancuese racionale.<\/p>\n

Skenar\u00ebt e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe pasojat<\/p>\n

Struktura aktuale shum\u00ebkohore i b\u00ebn konfliktet t\u00eb ndryshme nga luft\u00ebrat klasike. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb mundshme mes SHBA-s\u00eb, Izraelit dhe Iranit mund t\u00eb parashikohen tre skenar\u00eb kryesor\u00eb:<\/p>\n

\u201cKaos i kontrolluar\u201d (m\u00eb i mundshmi): Konflikte t\u00eb kufizuara, p\u00ebrdorim i forcave proxy dhe luft\u00eb ekonomike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar: Irani mbijeton, siguria e Izraelit rritet, SHBA-ja shmang p\u00ebrfshirjen direkte.<\/p>\n

\u201cLuft\u00eb rajonale\u201d: P\u00ebrfshirja e Libanit, Siris\u00eb dhe Irakut sjell kriza t\u00eb m\u00ebdha energjetike dhe migratore.<\/p>\n

\u201cThyerje e madhe\u201d: (rrezik i ul\u00ebt, por kritik)<\/p>\n

Luft\u00eb direkte SHBA\/Izrael\u2013Iran, me pasoja q\u00eb mund t\u00eb tronditin gjith\u00eb sistemin global.<\/p>\n

Fakti q\u00eb Turqia nuk vepron mbi baza eskatologjike i krijon asaj mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb jan\u00eb: t\u00eb luaj\u00eb rol nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues, t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nyje ky\u00e7e t\u00eb energjis\u00eb dhe tregtis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb fuqi balancuese edhe n\u00eb kushte kaosi. Megjithat\u00eb, ekzistojn\u00eb edhe rreziqe konkrete, si: presioni i siguris\u00eb p\u00ebrmes Siris\u00eb dhe Irakut, ndikimet ekonomike dhe val\u00ebt e migrimit. Konflikti aktual nuk duhet par\u00eb vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje gjeopolitike, por edhe si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrballje e perceptimeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb t\u00eb \u201ckoh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d, Turqia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb e dikton koh\u00ebn, por nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb e balancon at\u00eb. Edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb e vet\u00ebdijshme se shtetet mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin narrativat fetare p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime politike, Turqia e nd\u00ebrton gjithmon\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e saj strategjik mbi baz\u00ebn e interesave komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb analiz\u00eb u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebm t\u2019i lexojm\u00eb tensionet gjeopolitike jo vet\u00ebm nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi ushtarak apo ekonomik, por edhe p\u00ebrmes dallimeve n\u00eb perceptimin e koh\u00ebs dhe strategjive q\u00eb burojn\u00eb prej tyre.<\/p>\n

Roli potencial i Turqis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, si dhe kontributi q\u00eb kjo qasje mund t\u00eb jap\u00eb n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, u trajtuan duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb tensionin mes \u201ckoh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201ckoh\u00ebs historike\u201d.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn turke ekzistojn\u00eb besime p\u00ebr fundin e koh\u00ebs, ato nuk p\u00ebrfshihen kurr\u00eb n\u00eb objektivat strategjike komb\u00ebtare apo nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, Turqia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejton apo sakralizon koh\u00ebn, por nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb e balancon at\u00eb, duke vonuar prishjen e sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Kjo e vendos Turqin\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht n\u00eb rolet si objektiv t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm, forc\u00eb balancuese dhe si nj\u00eb element qendror n\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re teorike n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

\u201cTeoria e Sistemit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Shum\u00ebkohor\u201d nd\u00ebrton nj\u00eb model origjinal q\u00eb vendos n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt faktor\u00ebt e besimit, fuqis\u00eb dhe koh\u00ebs. Ajo mund\u00ebson analizimin e aktor\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb p\u00ebrmes strategjive t\u00eb tyre kohore, mjeteve q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin dhe objektivave sistemike q\u00eb ndjekin.<\/p>\n

Kjo teori nuk ndihmon vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar kriz\u00ebn aktuale, por hap edhe nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb t\u00eb re konceptuale p\u00ebr analizimin e konflikteve t\u00eb ardhshme.<\/p>\n

\n

Burimi: tesheshi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb shkrimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar, konfliktin mes SHBA-s\u00eb, Izraelit dhe Iranit e kishim analizuar nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i \u201cfundit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb\u201d. Le t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb prej aty, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe faktorin Turqi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb model. \u00c7do tradit\u00eb fetare e konsideron procesin e shpalljes hyjnore si nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese n\u00eb kuptimin e historis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":104990,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-104991","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/104991","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=104991"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/104991\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/104990"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=104991"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=104991"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=104991"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}