{"id":116158,"date":"2026-08-09T17:05:35","date_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:05:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-joshka-fisher-kush-do-te-jete-ne-krye-te-rendit-te-ardhshem-boteror\/"},"modified":"2026-08-09T17:05:35","modified_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:05:35","slug":"nga-joshka-fisher-kush-do-te-jete-ne-krye-te-rendit-te-ardhshem-boteror","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-joshka-fisher-kush-do-te-jete-ne-krye-te-rendit-te-ardhshem-boteror\/","title":{"rendered":"Nga Joshka Fisher: Kush do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb rendit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm bot\u00ebror?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Nga<\/figure>\n

Hegjemonia amerikane i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin nj\u00eb rendi global t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rivalitetin dhe konkurrenc\u00ebn midis disa fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ku nuk ekziston m\u00eb nj\u00eb grup i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe i kodifikuar rregullash. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb tij, p\u00ebrcaktuese \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm fuqia ekonomike, teknologjike dhe ushtarake \u2013 nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kina po e grumbullon me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb sesa e kuptojn\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebzhgues.<\/p>\n

Epoka kur rendi global mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb monopolin e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara mbi fuqin\u00eb ushtarake, ekonomike dhe sistemin e vlerave ka marr\u00eb fund, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb stabilitetit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Bota \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb e trazuar dhe m\u00eb e pasigurt, nd\u00ebrsa e ardhmja e af\u00ebrt pritet t\u00eb sjell\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, konturet e rendit bot\u00ebror pasqyroheshin qart\u00eb n\u00eb formatin G7\/G8, i cili bashkonte vendet kryesore t\u00eb industrializuara. Por tani ekzistojn\u00eb formate rivale, si Organizata e Bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb Shangait e udh\u00ebhequr nga Kina, Bashkimi Ekonomik Euroaziatik i udh\u00ebhequr nga Rusia dhe BRICS+ (Brazili, Rusia, India, Kina, Afrika e Jugut dhe rreth gjasht\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera an\u00ebtare, si edhe dhjet\u00eb vende partnere), t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen kryesisht nga ekonomi n\u00eb zhvillim.<\/p>\n

Hegjemonia amerikane i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin nj\u00eb konfigurimi t\u00eb ri t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rivalitetin dhe konkurrenc\u00ebn midis disa fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ku nuk ekziston m\u00eb nj\u00eb grup i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe i kodifikuar rregullash. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb tyre, p\u00ebrcaktuese jan\u00eb fuqia ekonomike, teknologjike dhe ushtarake, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb rrezik m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr konflikte, madje edhe p\u00ebr luft\u00ebra midis fuqive b\u00ebrthamore.<\/p>\n

Ky rend i ri vet\u00ebm i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Luft\u00ebrat n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe n\u00eb Gjirin Persik, si edhe lufta civile n\u00eb Mianmar, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn askush nuk duket se po p\u00ebrpiqet seriozisht ta ndal\u00eb, e d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Po ashtu, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i vazhduesh\u00ebm i nj\u00eb lufte midis Kin\u00ebs dhe Tajvanit ose n\u00eb Gadishullin Korean mbetet i pranish\u00ebm. Dy luft\u00ebrat e hapura, t\u00eb shoq\u00ebruara me bllokad\u00ebn iraniane t\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Hormuzit, kan\u00eb pasur tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb kostove t\u00eb naft\u00ebs, gazit, plehrave kimike dhe mallrave t\u00eb tjera jetike. Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz po humbin jet\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb dy konfliktet dhe rreziku i p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit vazhdon t\u00eb rritet.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u habitur q\u00eb Ukraina dhe Irani po t\u00ebrheqin v\u00ebmendjen m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb opinionit publik. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto konflikte kan\u00eb edhe karakterin e luft\u00ebrave p\u00ebrmes pal\u00ebve t\u00eb treta (proxy \u00ebars), sepse implikimet e tyre strategjike nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohen pa marr\u00eb parasysh rivalitetin historik midis Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, fuqis\u00eb dominuese t\u00eb tanishme, dhe Kin\u00ebs, sfidueses n\u00eb ngritje. Kina po mban nj\u00eb profil t\u00eb ul\u00ebt dhe, n\u00eb heshtje, po fiton ep\u00ebrsi, nd\u00ebrsa Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebrballen me v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi n\u00eb Gjirin Persik dhe p\u00ebrplasen me miq e aleat\u00eb t\u00eb kahersh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebrplasje e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb duel midis dy sistemeve thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb do t\u00eb form\u00ebsojn\u00eb shekullin XXI. Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb nj\u00eb ekonomi tregu shum\u00eb konkurruese dhe jan\u00eb demokracia m\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr n\u00eb bot\u00eb, megjith\u00ebse aktualisht po p\u00ebrballen me dominimin e oligopoleve t\u00eb industris\u00eb s\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ndryshe nga kjo, Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet i centralizuar, i qeverisur nga nj\u00eb parti gjith\u00ebpushtetshme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb kontroll absolut mbi ekonomin\u00eb, ushtrin\u00eb dhe shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Brenda nj\u00eb brezi t\u00eb vet\u00ebm, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar nga nj\u00eb vend jasht\u00ebzakonisht i varf\u00ebr dhe i pazhvilluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb pretendente serioze p\u00ebr vendin e par\u00eb n\u00eb rendin bot\u00ebror. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sukses kolosal, pavar\u00ebsisht se si p\u00ebrpiqesh ta interpretosh.<\/p>\n

Goditja m\u00eb mjesht\u00ebrore e komunizmit kinez erdhi pas \u00e7menduris\u00eb s\u00eb Revolucionit Kulturor t\u00eb Mao Ce Dunit. Duke ruajtur pushtetin absolut dhe kontrollin e partis\u00eb, Deng Xiaoping lejoi q\u00eb nj\u00eb sektor privat n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb lul\u00ebzonte brenda ekonomis\u00eb ekzistuese t\u00eb kontrolluar nga shteti, e cila me kalimin e koh\u00ebs tejkaloi edhe Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb shum\u00eb sektor\u00eb industrial\u00eb. Rezultati, i mb\u00ebshtetur nga nj\u00eb treg i brendsh\u00ebm gjigant, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj hiperkapitalizmi komunist.<\/p>\n

Modeli kinez q\u00ebndron n\u00eb kontrast t\u00eb fort\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik, i cili q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim ishte nj\u00eb projekt antikapitalist, i udh\u00ebhequr kryesisht nga ideologjia. Kinez\u00ebt synonin nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ruanin rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e tyre dhe t\u00eb merrnin si model ekonomin\u00eb kapitaliste m\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme n\u00eb histori; dhe ia dol\u00ebn. Kjo qasje, n\u00eb dukje paradoksale, ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb rezultate t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme dhe vazhdon t\u2019i jap\u00eb edhe sot.<\/p>\n

Kina ia detyron suksesin e saj disa faktor\u00ebve, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm q\u00eb mund\u00ebson ekonomi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha shkalle, investime gjigante n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb, nj\u00eb bum nd\u00ebrtimi, urbanizim t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar, konkurrenc\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr n\u00eb tregun e brendsh\u00ebm dhe investime masive shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim. Shteti kinez \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar me vendosm\u00ebri n\u00eb objektivat e tij strategjik\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb forcimin dhe modernizimin e ushtris\u00eb, si dhe n\u00eb fitimin e gar\u00ebs p\u00ebr ep\u00ebrsi globale n\u00eb teknologji si energjia e rinovueshme dhe inteligjenca artificiale. Askush nuk mund ta mohoj\u00eb se aft\u00ebsia e Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr planifikim afatgjat\u00eb dhe vendosm\u00ebria e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb krye kan\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse Shtetet e Bashkuara do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb ball\u00eb sfid\u00ebs kineze ndaj ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre \u2013 si\u00e7 b\u00ebn\u00eb dikur me Bashkimin Sovjetik \u2013 kjo mbetet p\u00ebr t\u2019u par\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjigjja do t\u00eb varet pjes\u00ebrisht nga fakti n\u00ebse ato do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb largohen nga modeli i kapitalizmit demokratik q\u00eb vet\u00eb e p\u00ebrsos\u00ebn. Prirja e tanishme drejt nj\u00eb oligopoli autoritar t\u00eb magnat\u00ebve privat\u00eb t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb dhe kapitalizmit klientelist \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dhurat\u00eb p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por p\u00ebrgjigjja do t\u00eb varet edhe nga fakti n\u00ebse lidershipi kinez do t\u2019i rezistoj\u00eb tundimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur forc\u00ebn kund\u00ebr Tajvanit. N\u00ebse Kina i p\u00ebrmbahet modelit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm, ajo mund dhe do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i arrij\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e objektivave t\u00eb saj me mjete paq\u00ebsore, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shmang\u00eb iluzionin se historia zhvillohet sipas ligjeve q\u00eb Partia Komuniste e Kin\u00ebs pretendon t\u2019i kuptoj\u00eb. Rrethanat e paparashikuara dhe gjykimi i gabuar jan\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme, dhe pasojat e tyre mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb kushtueshme. Mjafton t\u00eb pyesni Vladimir Putin-in dhe Donald Trump-in.<\/p>\n

\n

Burimi: tesheshi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Hegjemonia amerikane i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin nj\u00eb rendi global t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rivalitetin dhe konkurrenc\u00ebn midis disa fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ku nuk ekziston m\u00eb nj\u00eb grup i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe i kodifikuar rregullash. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb tij, p\u00ebrcaktuese \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm fuqia ekonomike, teknologjike dhe ushtarake \u2013 nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kina po e grumbullon me nj\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":116157,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-116158","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116158","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=116158"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116158\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/116157"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=116158"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=116158"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=116158"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}