{"id":116171,"date":"2026-08-09T17:20:41","date_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:20:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-rudian-zekthi-protesta-raport-mbi-ceshtjen-shqiptare\/"},"modified":"2026-08-09T17:20:41","modified_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:20:41","slug":"nga-rudian-zekthi-protesta-raport-mbi-ceshtjen-shqiptare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-rudian-zekthi-protesta-raport-mbi-ceshtjen-shqiptare\/","title":{"rendered":"Nga Rudian Zekthi: Protesta \u2013 Raport mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen shqiptare"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Nga<\/figure>\n

1.\u00c7far\u00eb ka p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi t\u00eb kuptohet pik\u00ebrisht tani<\/p>\n

Edhe pse k\u00ebto n\u00eb dit\u00eb t\u00eb para t\u00eb qershorit po ndodh leht\u00ebsisht m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira, ajo q\u00eb quhej m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndodhur, pra ngritja e nj\u00eb mase t\u00eb madhe njer\u00ebzish kund\u00ebr rr\u00ebnimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb nga nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e krupshme e vet\u00ebquajtur Rilindja (p\u00ebrmes Partis\u00eb Socialiste \u2013 p\u00ebrmes Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs- p\u00ebrmes Partis\u00eb Komuniste), pra po ndodh protesta, ajo q\u00eb pritej, ajo q\u00eb urohej t\u00eb ndodhte si mund\u00ebsia e vetme p\u00ebr ta ndalur k\u00ebt\u00eb rr\u00ebnim, ende megjithat\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb se kjo mir\u00ebsi urgjente p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn\u00a0 ka nevoj\u00eb shoq\u00ebria shqiptare, do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, madje ka shum\u00eb dyshime se protesta n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, nuk mundet ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky kontrast i fort\u00eb\u00a0 midis pritshm\u00ebrive dhe pasigurive t\u00eb protest\u00ebs, i ka mund\u00ebsuar Rilindjes q\u00eb edhe pas kaq dit\u00ebsh diskretitimi t\u00eb pashembullt, t\u00eb vijoj\u00eb e patrazuar sundimin e saj, duke e adaptuar protest\u00ebn si realitet paralel. Dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb imagjinohet se n\u00ebse protesta thjesht vazhdon t\u00eb riprodhoj\u00eb veten e pashoq\u00ebruar nga faktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, mundet me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb si nj\u00eb realitet paralel, pa ndikim n\u00eb fatin e qeverisjes s\u00eb vendit. Dhe duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebto vite n\u00eb mendjen shqiptare, Protesta ka z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin e t\u00eb vetmes mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb t\u00eb keqen shp\u00ebrhapur gjithandej, \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e paneglizhueshme e mendjes shqiptare, t\u00eb sakt\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00ebse\u00a0 ky projektim zhvler\u00ebsues i protest\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e saj, apo nj\u00eb anomali e p\u00ebrkohshme.<\/p>\n

Duke qen\u00eb se tashm\u00eb ajo shfaqet me k\u00ebt\u00eb status, si e vemja mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ndryshim t\u00eb gjendjes ekzistuese, gj\u00ebja e par\u00eb q\u00eb duhet fiksuar \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim i ri p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00eb ajo n\u00eb origjin\u00eb nuk e ka,pasiq\u00eb n\u00eb fjalorin e politik\u00ebs, gjeopolitik\u00ebs dhe ideologjis\u00eb, jan\u00eb\u00a0 tjet\u00ebrgj\u00eb q\u00eb besohet se mund t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb me themel gjendjen e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie, Revolta, Kryengritja, Revolucioni, L\u00ebvizja, Komploti (Grushtshteti) dhe Pu\u00e7i Ushtarak (me t\u00eb cilin k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit vet\u00ebm e p\u00ebrmend\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb vet\u00ebkuptueshme, nuk do t\u00eb merremi m\u00eb n\u00eb vazhdim). Duke qen\u00eb se pakashum\u00eb kuptimet e k\u00ebtyre termave (mesa duket edhe prej mosp\u00ebrdorimit prej t\u00eb cilit kan\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb ngrira) jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat (e duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebto t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta t\u00eb tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb), termi i vet\u00ebm tashm\u00eb i ridisenjuar \u00ebsht\u00eb Protesta (dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb ky ridisenjim q\u00eb ka shkaktuar kontrastin e p\u00ebrmendur q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, midis pritshm\u00ebrive dhe mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb saj). Ky ridisenjim sugjeron se ka ndryshuar pa e pikasur dhe pa u formuluar shprehimisht, kuptimi i mendjes shqiptare p\u00ebr Ndryshimin e Gjendjes s\u00eb Gj\u00ebrave, ndaj\u00a0 nga ballafaqimi i kufijve semantik\u00eb t\u00eb secilit prej k\u00ebtyre termave m\u00eb lart, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb Protest\u00ebs vendin e termit-\u00e7el\u00ebs, mundet t\u00eb pikasim dhe formulojm\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb sot mendja shqiptare quan Ndryshim t\u00eb Gjendjes.<\/p>\n

Prej nj\u00eb kuptimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm \u2013 jo t\u00eb plot\u00eb dhe ende t\u00eb pabjerr\u00eb, kuptimi i termit Protest\u00eb, n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb reagim publik\u00a0 jo t\u00eb dhunsh\u00ebm, spontan, qortues -refuzues \u2013 bojkotues nga nj\u00eb grup pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebsh t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie, ndaj nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb caktuar apo edhe ndaj qeverisjes a sistemit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. (Q\u00eb na ndihmon menj\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb ballafaqimin e par\u00eb\u00a0 terminologjik: Protest\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb emri i ri p\u00ebr Demonstrat\u00ebn, e cila n\u00eb shqipe, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb shekullit q\u00eb shkoi bartte kuptimin e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, term i humbur p\u00ebrdorimit q\u00eb prej fundit t\u00eb\u00a0 atij shekulli) (por po ashtu duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se Protesta e para saj Demonstrata jan\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dy terma modern\u00eb, t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar nga\u00a0 shk\u00ebputja prej konceptit t\u00eb Revolt\u00ebs, ku akomodoheshin n\u00eb paramoderne; pavar\u00ebsisht dallimit\u00a0\u00a0 q\u00eb Revolta si rregull \u00ebsht\u00eb e dhunshme dhe mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe e armatosur, Protesta sado joedhunshme, shihej si version i saj dhe trajtohej nj\u00eblloj me represion dhe lin\u00e7im).<\/p>\n

Por nd\u00ebrsa zhb\u00ebrja deri n\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim q\u00eb Protesta i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb Demonstrat\u00ebs ka ndodhur n\u00eb rrafsh formal dhe historik (formal, sepse ndryshon emri, shenja\u00a0 dhe jo kuptimi, i shenjuari; historik se Demonstrat\u00eb shfaqet sot si term anakronik n\u00eb raport me termin aktual Protest\u00eb, pra tregojn\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb), zhb\u00ebrja dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrthithjes,q\u00eb i b\u00ebn Protesta seris\u00eb terminologjike Revolt\u00eb, Kryengritje, Revolucion,L\u00ebvizje, shnd\u00ebrrohet menj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb anomali, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrthithje n\u00eb rrafshin e kuptimit, pasiq\u00eb si\u00e7 tham\u00eb Protest\u00ebs iu kan\u00eb mveshur turbullazi edhe atributet e t\u00eb qenit efikase dhe p\u00ebrmbys\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Prandaj kuptimi popullor- i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i protest\u00ebs nuk mjafton p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar m\u00eb tej n\u00eb ballafaqimin me t\u00ebr\u00eb serin\u00eb terminologjike p\u00ebrmendur m\u00eb lart. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb na duhet\u00a0 nj\u00eb dispozitiv bazik i plot\u00eb i Konceptit t\u00eb Protest\u00ebs\u00a0 tek i cili \u00e7do atribut \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb mjafton t\u00eb hiqet edhe m\u00eb i vogli element konstituues, p\u00ebr ta destabilizuar, madje\u00a0 zhb\u00ebr\u00eb gjith\u00eb konceptin dhe p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb parazit termin.\u00a0 Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb dispozitiv e gjejm\u00eb n\u00eb shqip, n\u00eb nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr q\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj shoq\u00ebrie e kan\u00ebnjohur dhe lexuar brez pas brezi, pa qen\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb\u00a0 njohim anglishten a t\u00eb referojm\u00eb tek nj\u00eb bibliografi t\u00eb posa\u00e7me; pra e gjejm\u00eb n\u00eb trajt\u00ebn e nj\u00eb historie mes dhjetra t\u00eb tillave n\u00eb Kuran, nj\u00eb histori q\u00eb si \u00e7do histori kuranore mund t\u00eb kalohet gati pa u v\u00ebn\u00eb re\u00a0 ( me shkujdesjen se \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb parabol\u00eb ilustruese apo element retorik) n\u00ebse nuk pajiset me kontekst dhe nuk inspiron aktualizim.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Suren Jasin (kapitulli 36 n\u00eb Kuran) n\u00eb ajetet 13-29, tregohet historia e nj\u00eb qyteti idhujtar ku Zoti \u00e7on fillimish dy t\u00eb d\u00ebrguar, pasuar nga nj\u00eb i tret\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u2019i\u00a0 kthyer ata njer\u00ebz tek besimi n\u00eb Nj\u00eb Zot, por ai popull nuk i d\u00ebgjon duke i quajtur njer\u00ebz si t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt (dhe jo T\u00eb D\u00ebrguar) e madje edhe duke mohuar q\u00eb ekziston nj\u00eb kategori e till\u00eb si T\u00eb D\u00ebrguarit, sepse sipas tyre Zoti as nuk d\u00ebrgon t\u00eb till\u00eb. Madje duke e konsideruar pranin\u00eb e tyre, fjal\u00ebt e tyre dhe k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljen e tyre kobsjell\u00ebse, i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb me gur\u00ebzim. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment, nga skaji m\u00eb i larg\u00ebt i qytetit vjen nj\u00eb person i thjesht\u00eb (nj\u00eb artizan q\u00eb merrej me prodhimin e litar\u00ebve) dhe mu n\u00eb mes t\u00eb pjac\u00ebs qorton n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebt e vet q\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebsuar me sistemin ekzistues t\u00eb idhujtaris\u00eb, refuzonin dobin\u00eb e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs: \u201cO populli im, ndiqni t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit (\u2026) q\u00eb nuk k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb prej jush kurrfar\u00eb shp\u00ebrblimi dhe jan\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb! Pse t\u00eb mos e madh\u00ebroj At\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb ka krijuar e tek I Cili do t\u00eb ktheheni t\u00eb gjith\u00eb?! Vall\u00eb p\u00ebrse duhet t\u00eb adhuroj zota t\u00eb tjer\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Tij? N\u00ebse Zoti do t\u00eb d\u00ebshironte t\u00eb m\u00eb godiste me ndonj\u00eb t\u00eb keqe, nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimi i atyre (zotave) nuk do m\u00eb sillte kurrfar\u00eb dobie(\u2026..). (\u2026..). Un\u00eb i kam besuar Zotit tuaj, andaj m\u00eb d\u00ebgjoni! (pasi populli i vet e vrau) iu tha: hyr n\u00eb Xhenet! Ai tha: Ah, sikur ta dinte populli im sesi m\u00eb fali Zoti im dhe m\u00eb b\u00ebri t\u00eb nderuar!\u201d Kuran, 36, 20-27.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb vihet re se t\u00eb ngrihesh i vetmuar kund\u00ebr s\u00eb keqes, pa asnj\u00eb shok dhe pa asnj\u00eb shpres\u00eb, tek Zoti ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, praktikisht nj\u00eb vler\u00eb absolute, p\u00ebrsaq\u00eb shkon drejtp\u00ebrdrejt n\u00eb parajs\u00eb dhe kjo bindje e p\u00ebrshkon tejetej gjith\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb tham\u00eb e do themi k\u00ebtu, ngritja e nj\u00eb proteste b\u00ebn pjes\u00eb tek gj\u00ebrat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha fare q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri i vet\u00ebm, pa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt: n\u00ebse d\u00ebmtohet prej k\u00ebsaj, midis Zem\u00ebrimit t\u00eb Zotit dhe d\u00ebmtuesve nuk ka asnj\u00eb penges\u00eb.<\/p>\n

( Po ashtu, t\u00eb vihe re dy gj\u00ebra tani, q\u00eb do t\u00eb na duhen m\u00eb von\u00eb, kur do t\u00eb na duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb ngjarjet e Dhjetorit \u201890: fakti q\u00eb protestuesi vritet nga turma, as nuk p\u00ebrmendet as komentohet, por ky informacion jepet p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb elipse, ngaq\u00eb fjal\u00ebt e fundit t\u00eb tij thuhen nga Parajsa, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton se ky lin\u00e7im ishte i pritsh\u00ebm a i pashmangsh\u00ebm, dhe se pra d\u00ebmtimi deri asgj\u00ebsimi prej sistemit kur del e proteston paq\u00ebsisht kund\u00ebr tij, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e gj\u00ebrave, gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e pritshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndodhur; po ashtu t\u00eb vihet re kapaciteti i madh empatik i k\u00ebtij personi, q\u00eb edhe me vdekjen e vet k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsoj\u00eb popullin e vet, e praktikisht ata q\u00eb e vran\u00eb.)<\/p>\n

Kurse p\u00ebrfitimi m\u00eb i madh dhe m\u00eb i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb q\u00eb marrim nga kjo narrativ\u00eb kuranore, ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me faktin se tek akti vetekspozues i k\u00ebtij personi, gjendet e esencializuar Protesta n\u00eb vetvete: nj\u00eb reagim apo q\u00ebndrim publik, spontan, intervalor, joidhunsh\u00ebm, qortues-refuzues, q\u00eb nuk varet nga numri (mjafton nj\u00eb njeri), q\u00eb nuk llogarit suksesin por vetidentifikimin refuzues ndaj sistemit, dhe q\u00eb duke vetekspozuar brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet dor\u00ebzon ekzistenc\u00ebn e vet,i gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u sakrifikuar. Konsiderimi i k\u00ebtij dispozitivi\u00a0 narrativ si baza e konceptit, na tregon jo vet\u00ebm se \u00e7far\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, por edhe \u00e7far\u00eb ajo s\u2019mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb dhe madje edhe se \u00e7far\u00eb s\u2019duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu protesta nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e dhunshme, sepse dhuna e shnd\u00ebrron n\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr (n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej Revolt\u00ebs, Kryengritjes apo Revolucionit); nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e programuar (se kjo e ekspozon p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimi me dy alternativa, ose Komplot n\u00ebse programuesit jan\u00eb t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb, ose Protest\u00eb e Rreme n\u00ebse programuesit jan\u00eb t\u00eb deklaruar); nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e vijueshme n\u00eb koh\u00eb (sepse shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje) vet\u00ebkuptueshm\u00ebrisht nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrg\u00ebzuese (do t\u00eb ishte haptazi kontradikt\u00eb n\u00eb term); nuk ka nevoj\u00eb medoemos p\u00ebr masifikim (do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje a Revolucion), nuk ushqen pritshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e ndryshimit t\u00eb\u00a0 gjendjes s\u00eb gj\u00ebrave n\u00eb terren (s\u00ebrish do t\u00eb l\u00ebvizte drejt Kryengritjes, Revolucionit apo L\u00ebvizjes), nuk llogarit t\u00eb ket\u00eb garanci sigurie p\u00ebrball\u00eb armiq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pritshme t\u00eb sistemit ( n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej nga Protest\u00eb n\u00eb Komplot).<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb pra\u00a0 se m\u00ebnyra sesi flitet, sesi kuptohet dhe se \u00e7far\u00eb pritet prej protest\u00ebs k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me thelbin e konceptit t\u00eb Protest\u00ebs, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konfondim masiv i shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb, q\u00eb\u00a0 p\u00ebrdor si term Protest\u00ebn kur n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb flas\u00eb p\u00ebr Revolt\u00ebn, Kryengritjen, Revolucionin, Komplotin a L\u00ebvizjen (sipas rastit ve\u00e7eve\u00e7 a nj\u00ebherazi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha).<\/p>\n

Mesa duket ky konfondim dhe nami i mir\u00eb i Protest\u00ebs n\u00eb mendimin shqiptar e ka zanafill\u00ebn tek klasifikimi n\u00eb zhanrin e protest\u00ebs, i L\u00ebvizjes q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201990 t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb shkuar,\u00a0 kulmoi me r\u00ebnien e regjimit komunist, e cila pra njihet gjer\u00ebsisht\u00a0 edhe si Protesta e Student\u00ebve. N\u00eb fakt p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje, ka patur gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb luhatje terminologjike mes termave L\u00ebvizje dhe Protest\u00eb, duke u p\u00ebrdorur k\u00ebmbyerazi mes vetes, por me kalimin e koh\u00ebs duket se termi Protest\u00eb u b\u00eb\u00a0 m\u00eb dominues.\u00a0 Mir\u00ebpo ky em\u00ebrtim incidental (rrethanor), p\u00ebrmes fqinj\u00ebrimit t\u00eb gjat\u00eb (deri n\u00eb f\u00ebrkim) me termkonceptin L\u00ebvizje, nd\u00ebrbarti tek koncepti\u00a0 i Protest\u00ebs atributin e suksesit a efikasitetit s\u00ebpaku (se madje edhe atributin e p\u00ebrmbysjes), q\u00eb si\u00e7 tham\u00eb Protesta n\u00eb origjin\u00eb nuk i ka. Kjo nd\u00ebrbartje ndodhi pa u pikasur e p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb pa u rishqyrtuar m\u00eb, dhe p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, pa u v\u00ebn\u00eb kundruall seris\u00eb terminologjike t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs gjini\u00a0 (Demonstrat\u00eb, Revolt\u00eb, Kryengritje, Revolucion) duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb term absolut deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb praktikisht i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb panevojshme termat (me konceptet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse)\u00a0 e tjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konfirmim historik q\u00eb pas protestave studentore t\u00eb viteve 1990-1991, me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u00a0 mori fund nj\u00eb sundim 50 vje\u00e7ar dhe nd\u00ebrroi edhe sistemi, gj\u00eb q\u00eb na shtyn drejt heqjes dor\u00eb nga tezat q\u00eb kemi\u00a0 mbrojtur deri m\u00eb k\u00ebtu. Gj\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb kollajll\u00ebk i pafalsh\u00ebm,sepse n\u00eb fakt suksesi i atyre ngjarjeve nuk shpjegohet me potencialin e protest\u00ebs, por me dy faktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. S\u00eb pari, vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb pohojm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me dispozitivin ton\u00eb, q\u00eb\u00a0\u00a0 p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem, nevoja p\u00ebr t\u2019u konservuar \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe se \u00e7do nevoj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, e pakrahasueshme me asgj\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme n\u00eb rendin e qenieve, ku nevoja p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb\u00a0 e konservim, sabotohet nga s\u00ebpaku dy nevoja t\u00eb tjera: nevoja p\u00ebr dinjitet dhe nevoja p\u00ebr sakrific\u00eb. Ndaj\u00a0 n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem autonom \u2013 t\u00eb vet\u00ebmjaftuesh\u00ebm, \u00e7do perceptim rreziku \u00e7on n\u00eb reagim ekstrem p\u00ebr \u00e7do rast, p\u00ebrpos perceptimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb rreziku m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, n\u00ebse sistemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i vet\u00ebmjaftuesh\u00ebm, por i kusht\u00ebzuar nga nj\u00eb makrosistem, at\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb e brendshme mund t\u00eb mos brutalizohet nga sistemi, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb rreziku m\u00eb t\u00eb madh si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb humbja e mb\u00ebshtetjes prej makrosistemit.<\/p>\n

Protesta e tetorit 1961 n\u00eb Paris e mij\u00ebra algjerian\u00ebve francez\u00eb kund\u00ebr politik\u00ebs zyrtare franceze n\u00eb Algjeri, u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb masak\u00ebr, me t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 200 t\u00eb vrar\u00eb e mbytur n\u00eb Sen\u00eb, me shtypin dhe opinionin publik bot\u00ebror q\u00eb mbyll\u00ebn syt\u00eb ndaj saj: ata thjesht u asgj\u00ebsuan,\u00a0 sepse ajo ishte thjesht (puro) nj\u00eb protest\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb sistemi autonom, apo m\u00eb sakt\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi n\u00eb sinergji me makrosistemin. Protestat n\u00eb sheshin Tien An Men n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, n\u00eb qershor 1989 u mbyll\u00ebn me nd\u00ebrhyrjen e ushtris\u00eb dhe me masak\u00ebr (s\u00ebpaku 700 t\u00eb vrar\u00eb): sistemi kinez b\u00ebri \u00e7far\u00eb pritej prej tij, asgj\u00ebsimin e protestuesve dhe protest\u00ebs pasi Kina sigurisht \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem i mbyllur, i ve\u00ebmjaftuesh\u00ebm dhe autonom n\u00eb raport me makrosistemin. Po ashtu protestat e disamuajve m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Iran, u shtyp\u00ebn me dhun\u00eb e represion q\u00eb \u00e7uan n\u00eb vdekjen e s\u00ebpaku 7000 vetave, pasiq\u00eb Irani \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 po ashtu nj\u00eb sistem i pakusht\u00ebzuar nga makrosistemi. Protestat Black lives matter n\u00eb SH.B.A n\u00eb majqershor 2020, u shtyp\u00ebn me vrasjen e 19 protestuesve prej forcave t\u00eb rendit, pasiq\u00eb Amerika \u00ebsht\u00eb sistem autonom i vet\u00ebmjaftuesh\u00ebm, q\u00eb madje e kusht\u00ebzon makrosistemin dhe nuk kusht\u00ebzohet prej tij. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb protestat e student\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1990, ndodh\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar nga makrosistemi, i cili makrosistem i asistoi dhe inkurajoi ato (e megjithat\u00eb megjith\u00ebse paq\u00ebsore pati disa t\u00eb vdekur, si 4 t\u00eb vrar\u00ebt n\u00eb Protest\u00ebn e 2 Prillit n\u00eb Shkod\u00ebr, edhe pse sistemi ishte n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb miratimit nga makrosistemi dhe nuk kishte asnj\u00eb siguri se brutalizimi do t\u2019i sillte ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrfitim). Pra,kjo var\u00ebsi e sistemit nga nj\u00eb makrosistem jodashamair\u00ebs ndaj tij,\u00ebsht\u00eb faktori i par\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme,por ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim dhe jo rregulli (n\u00ebse pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit e protest\u00ebs e p\u00ebrllogaritin k\u00ebt\u00eb, kjo l\u00ebviz midis t\u00eb qenit nga Protest\u00eb e Rreme n\u00eb Komplot).<\/p>\n

Kurse faktori i dyt\u00eb, ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me zgjatshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e garantuar t\u00eb saj: nj\u00eb Protest\u00eb n\u00ebse masivizohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksponenciale dhe sidomos n\u00ebse zgjatet n\u00eb koh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht represionit, e sidomos pavar\u00ebsisht t\u00eb vrar\u00ebve, pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb vrar\u00ebve mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb nj\u00eb efekt perturbues n\u00eb materialin njer\u00ebzor t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, saq\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb dhe shnd\u00ebrrohet e nga Protest\u00eb b\u00ebhet L\u00ebvizje. Me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn protesta ka shum\u00eb atribute t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, p\u00ebrpos q\u00eb Protesta vet\u00ebm okazionalisht mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb masive, kurse L\u00ebvizja detyrimisht k\u00ebrkon masifikim;\u00a0 dhe po ashtu Protesta nuk niset v\u00ebrtet nga premisa se mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb gjendjes, kurse L\u00ebvizja paras\u00ebgjithash frym\u00ebzohet nga ky q\u00ebllim fiks. K\u00ebto dy dallime midis Protest\u00ebs dhe L\u00ebvizjes jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb qarta dhe decizive vet\u00ebm n\u00eb let\u00ebr apo n\u00eb gjendje prehje, sepse n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb dinamike ato jan\u00eb aq kollaj t\u00eb l\u00ebvizshme, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb me shtimin e madh t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsve apo me frym\u00ebn q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijohet nga shembujt e rezistenc\u00ebs ndaj represionit, pa kuptuar Protesta b\u00ebhet L\u00ebvizje, pa e ndar\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit ku mbaroi nj\u00ebra e ku fillon tjetra, si\u00e7 ndodhi n\u00eb fakt me Ngjarjet e Dhjetorit 1990\u00a0 e s\u00ebpaku gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1991 (si\u00e7 e tham\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden edhe sot\u00a0 k\u00ebmbyerazi termat Protest\u00eb dhe L\u00ebvizje dhe ne sapo qart\u00ebsuam p\u00ebrse). Mir\u00ebpo paqart\u00ebsia q\u00eb e ka shoq\u00ebruar k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrk\u00ebmbim, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme konfondimin baz\u00eb, q\u00eb e projekton Protest\u00ebn\u00a0 fillimisht si gj\u00ebja q\u00eb\u00a0 ndryshon gjendjen, e n\u00eb vazhdim si e vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Po mir\u00eb, mund t\u00eb na thuhet q\u00eb kjo dinamik\u00eb nd\u00ebrshnd\u00ebrruese mes Protest\u00ebs e L\u00ebvizjes \u00ebsh\u00eb e par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem pedanterie krejt pa vler\u00eb praktike, sepse tekefundit p\u00ebr t\u00eb patur nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje qenka normale t\u00eb fillohet nga nj\u00eb Protest\u00eb, prandaj etja p\u00ebr Protest\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht \u00ebsht\u00eb e natyrshme dhe pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb prej saj t\u00eb arsyeshme (dhe k\u00ebshtu si\u00e7 jemi, jemi duke b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb u dashka b\u00ebr\u00eb). N\u00ebfakt mendjeleht\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe damin p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs jemi duke qortuar k\u00ebtu:: mendjeleht\u00ebsin\u00eb e dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb mosv\u00ebniesre q\u00eb Protesta nuk \u00e7on medoemos n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje dhe t\u00eb mosv\u00ebniesre t\u00eb faktit q\u00eb L\u00ebvizja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb p\u00ebrftim potencial i nj\u00eb proteste, por mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrftohet si e till\u00eb nga fillimi deri n\u00eb fund (dhe Protesta t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ndjek\u00ebse intervalore e saj); damin e dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb humbjes edhe t\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Protest\u00ebs (posaq\u00eb kjo pretendohet t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb serin\u00eb terminologjike, ka z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar edhe veten duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr) dhe t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb n\u00eb fund nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, t\u00eb pavarur nga Protesta a q\u00eb e paraprin Protest\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto dy mendjeleht\u00ebsi dhe k\u00ebto dy dame jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt masa e telasheve me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrballemi tamam tani, kur protesta e k\u00ebsaj vere \u00ebsht\u00eb ende n\u00eb zhvillim.<\/p>\n

Duke qen\u00eb se nd\u00ebr ne duket se as nuk ekziston\u00a0 koncepti i L\u00ebvizjes si pjes\u00eb e repertorit n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar, konfondimi q\u00eb bie m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb sy k\u00ebto dit\u00eb k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai mes\u00a0 Protest\u00ebs e Komplotit, megjith\u00ebse termi Komplot nuk artikulohet shprehimisht, implikim q\u00eb edhe shkruesi i k\u00ebtyre rreshtave e konsideron real dhe jo si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb autoironi me teori konspirative. Sepse ka t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb mjaftueshme q\u00eb sugjerojn\u00eb se Protesta e Qershorit 2026, \u00ebsht\u00eb e premedituar nga faktor\u00eb n\u00eb prapasken\u00eb, kalkulimet e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve mb\u00ebshteten tek pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia dhe m\u00ebria transversale e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare ndaj\u00a0 fashizmit q\u00eb po\u00a0 i troshit prej 13 vjet\u00ebsh. Ekzistenca e inxhinier\u00ebve t\u00eb protestave \u00ebsht\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr sa shoq\u00ebria njer\u00ebzore (e n\u00ebse e mohojm\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj si t\u00eb mohojm\u00eb q\u00eb ekziston e keqja dhe kreativiteti i saj), e n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast n\u00ebse si\u00e7 duket ka patur nj\u00eb inxhinierim inicial,\u00a0 do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se Rilindjes goditja i ka ardhur nga miqt\u00eb e vet, si pasoj\u00eb i l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb sh\u00ebmtuara e krejt t\u00eb paprincipta gjeopolitike t\u00eb vet\u00eb Rilindjes. Pamja e tmerrshme e kreut t\u00eb Rilindjes me terrorin e gdhendur n\u00eb portret, gjat\u00eb bised\u00ebs live me kreun e Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb n\u00eb Samitin e Bordit t\u00eb Paqes, na zbuloi t\u00eb\u00a0 gjith\u00ebve dy gj\u00ebra: ( sesi, sesa m\u00eb shum\u00eb dinjitoz\u00eb jemi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb krahasuar me at\u00eb q\u00eb na qeveris) dhe sesi, si halli i vet \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi q\u00eb prodhon realisht nj\u00eb emocion t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb mimik\u00ebn e tij (e halli i vet \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi pasion q\u00eb ka, p\u00ebr aq sa koketon si njeri pasionant, pa e ditur q\u00eb edhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb veset jan\u00eb pasione). \u00cbsht\u00eb tek ky tmerr ku e ka zanafill\u00ebn afera e Zv\u00ebrnecit, afera e nj\u00eb kleringu hibrid: k\u00ebmbim i territorit me emocionet (me nj\u00ebrin prej tyre, k\u00ebndelljen, si e kund\u00ebrta e\u00a0 terrorit). Edhe markimi special i protest\u00ebs nga mediat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha bot\u00ebrore, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm prov\u00eb se protesta \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb stratagjem\u00eb n\u00eb konjuktur\u00ebn e nj\u00eb lufte globale p\u00ebr ndikim dhe dominim.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo paradoksalisht, dyshime se protesta \u00ebsht\u00eb e kalkuluar, p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit e vet\u00eb protest\u00ebs, jan\u00eb nj\u00eb arsye m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ushqyer protest\u00ebn: largimi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb (me protest\u00eb t\u00eb premedituar pra komplot), i njeriut\u00a0 q\u00eb shet gjith\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar veten \u201cpasionante\u201d, me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e fuqizon t\u00eb keqen globale q\u00eb\u00a0 tham\u00eb se nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera konfeksionon protesta, por s\u2019ekziston mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur e nj\u00ebri prej d\u00ebmeve \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm, sepse mbrojtja e k\u00ebtij njeriu dhe mbajtja\u00a0 e tij n\u00eb pushtet, me siguri\u00a0 e fuqizon akoma edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb keqe.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu e mundshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb, protesta s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se pamja e dukshme e nj\u00eb realiteti okult, ku n\u00ebn nd\u00ebrmerren veprime shantazhuese ekstra, p\u00ebr ta d\u00ebmtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb sundim, p\u00ebr ta dob\u00ebsuar dhe \u00e7montuar at\u00eb, e n\u00ebse kjo nd\u00ebrprerje e nafak\u00ebs s\u00eb Rilindjes me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ndodh, m\u00eb n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb cop\u00eb her\u00eb nj\u00eb moment mir\u00ebsie p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare, pa\u00e7ka se kjo do t\u2019i mvishet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb rreme ndikimit t\u00eb protest\u00ebs ( e n\u00eb fakt n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb ky sukses, prov\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb q\u00eb protesta ishte pavet\u00ebdijshm\u00ebrisht komplot) (suksesi potencial i Protest\u00ebs s\u00eb Qershorit 2026 do t\u00eb akomodohej n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebt\u00ebn kategori me at\u00eb t\u00eb Protest\u00ebs s\u00eb Dhjetorit \u201990, pra n\u00eb luhatjen e midist\u00ebqenit Protest\u00eb e Rreme (Blof) a Komplot).<\/p>\n

E k\u00ebshtu nj\u00ebsoj si n\u00eb rastin e Protest\u00ebs s\u00eb Dhjetorit \u201990,\u00a0 n\u00eb realitetin pasprotest\u00ebs, do t\u00eb d\u00ebmtohet kapaciteti i mendjes shqiptare p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar kthjell\u00ebt dhe finalizuar sakt\u00eb, duke e p\u00ebrforcuar statusin e rrem\u00eb t\u00eb Protest\u00ebs si t\u00eb vetmen rrug\u00eb q\u00eb mund\u00ebson ndryshimin e gjendjes p\u00ebr mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmi i par\u00eb (shih n\u00eb fund\u00a0 p\u00ebr d\u00ebmin e dyt\u00eb) q\u00eb (mund) \u2013 duhet ta shmangim: fill pas protest\u00ebs, sido q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb ajo, ne t\u00eb mbijetuarit prej \u201csuksesit t\u00eb saj\u201d duhet t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, pa iu rikthyer m\u00eb rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb derik\u00ebtushme obsesive se zgjidhja e problemeve b\u00ebhet p\u00ebrmes Protest\u00ebs, por duke u kthjelluar m\u00eb n\u00eb fund se e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht e kund\u00ebrta (obsesion q\u00eb paradoksalisht e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare nj\u00eb prodhuese t\u00eb madhe protestash, mund t\u00eb jemi shoq\u00ebria ku \u00ebsht\u00eb protestuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb protestat periodike t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kurth\u00a0 t\u00eb bindjes s\u00eb rreme, se n\u00ebse nuk proteston nuk e ndryshon dot gjendjen) (ngaku s\u2019mund t\u00eb mos shfaqet paradoksi:\u00a0 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend asgj\u00eb nuk ka ndryshuar derim\u00ebtani pik\u00ebrisht ngaq\u00eb kemi protestuar, apo s\u2019kemi\u00a0 p\u00ebrfytyruar mund\u00ebsi tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Protest\u00ebs).<\/p>\n

Gj\u00eb q\u00eb na p\u00ebrball me d\u00ebmin e dyt\u00eb: mosp\u00ebrfshirja e L\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb repertorin e mund\u00ebsive n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar gjendjen e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb neutralizuar damet kolateral t\u00eb sistemit. Sepse obsesioni p\u00ebr protest\u00ebn, n\u00ebnkupton edhe shpres\u00ebn se me rezistenc\u00ebn, sakrificat, frym\u00ebn, masifikimin, ajo do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet m\u00eb n\u00eb fund n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, pra t\u00eb paguhet nj\u00eb e t\u00eb merren dy (pra ta fitohet L\u00ebvizja falas, si dhurat\u00eb). Sepse ndryshe\u00a0 nga Protesta q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e beft\u00eb\u00a0 e qortimit, frustrimit dhe nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr emocione begatuese, L\u00ebvizja n\u00eb versionin e saj baz\u00eb (sepse\u00a0 shfaqja e L\u00ebvizjes si forma e fundit e nj\u00eb proteste q\u00eb zgjat dhe shumohet \u2013 ajo p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn kemi folur derim\u00ebtani-, \u00ebsht\u00eb versioni i saj i prejardhur) m\u00eb shum\u00eb se shprehje e nj\u00eb emocioni, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb shprehje e nj\u00eb vizioni \u2013 bot\u00ebkuptimi tjet\u00ebr nga ai i sistemit dhe q\u00eb me t\u00eb cilin k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ri dhe jo thjesht t\u00eb limitoj\u00eb a thjesht t\u00eb korrigjoj\u00eb ekseset e sistemit ekzistues.K\u00ebt\u00eb synon ta arrijn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb pambarimt\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e kutimeve dhe bindjeve duke pasur si motivacion t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm\u00a0 shfryt\u00ebzimin e \u00e7do mund\u00ebsie p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvler\u00ebsuar t\u00eb pavler\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb lart\u00ebsuar t\u00eb vlefshmen dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn; krijimi i tensionit dhe t\u00ebrheqja e m\u00ebris\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb establishmentit por edhe t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi jan\u00eb konstante q\u00eb e shoq\u00ebrojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu, ndryshe nga Protesta q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebndrim spontan dhe intervalor (inj\u00ebcop\u00ebhersh\u00ebm) ndaj arbitraritetit apo padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 p\u00ebr nga natyra antiintervalore, k\u00ebrkon vijim\u00ebsi, k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje, vullnet, kapacitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebsuar, p\u00ebrkushtim t\u00ebr\u00ebsor t\u00eb jet\u00ebs n\u00eb fuksion t\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi: t\u00eb ndryshosh gjendjen e gj\u00ebrave. (P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb t\u00eb investohet tek Protesta p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur tek L\u00ebvizja, limiton n\u00eb maksimum kostot q\u00eb do t\u00eb duheshin p\u00ebr t\u2019ia b\u00ebr\u00eb L\u00ebvizjes t\u00eb gjith\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimet nga e para: do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se synon t\u00eb marrash\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb sa m\u00eb pak).<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto dallime mes Protest\u00ebs dhe L\u00ebvizjes, v\u00ebrehen qart\u00eb tek dispozitivi narrativ kuranor, ku ajo \u00e7far\u00eb po b\u00ebnin tre t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit ishte nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, s\u00eb cil\u00ebs iu agregua befas n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment Protesta e besimtarit q\u00eb lin\u00e7ohet. Dhe n\u00eb fakt gjith\u00eb ajo q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb profet\u00ebt n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta kthyer secili popullin e vet tek Zoti i Vet\u00ebm, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn n\u00eb thelb at\u00eb q\u00eb ne k\u00ebtu po e quajm\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, ose ndryshe e th\u00ebn\u00eb, ajo q\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb quhet L\u00ebvizje, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr vet\u00ebm se adaptim i metod\u00ebs profetike e p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb (n\u00eb fakt edhe si\u00e7 na rezultoi deduktivisht) metoda m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme ndryshimin e gjendjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb populli. Metoda m\u00eb e mir\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb medoemos metoda e garantuar,sepse \u00e7\u00ebshtja e ndryshimit t\u00eb gjendjes dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimit t\u00eb sistemit, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e madhja dhe e v\u00ebshtira e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve, me marzh shum\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt efikasiteti, por do t\u00eb thot\u00eb e vetmja rrug\u00eb padhun\u00eb q\u00eb e shmang p\u00ebr nj\u00eb th\u00ebrrime projektimin si utopi, dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt (n\u00ebse nuk e arrin q\u00ebllimin) e vetmja q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs, pra q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon sesi secili b\u00ebri maksimumin tek ajo q\u00eb di t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht\u00a0 tek historia kuranore: besimtar\u00ebt tek e mira, kurse idhujtar\u00ebt tek e keqja.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit gjen raste t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb sot quhet L\u00ebvizje; L\u00ebvizja e kristian\u00ebve t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00ebn represionin e Perandoris\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja e Profetit Muhamed a.s. dhe shok\u00ebve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb Mek\u00eb, po ashtu Protestantizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb frut i nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizjeje, L\u00ebvizja Iluministe e shekullit XVIII, L\u00ebvizja Romantike, L\u00ebvizja Komuniste Bot\u00ebrore q\u00eb nga vitet e fundit t\u00eb shekullit XIX e p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb tre \u00e7erek\u00ebve t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX, L\u00ebvizja Feministe, Gandizmi, L\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr Barazi e Zezak\u00ebve n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb prir\u00eb nga Luter Kingu, Pranvera Arabe e fillimshekullit ton\u00eb, (nd\u00ebrsa nd\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt) L\u00ebvizja Nacionaliste Shqiptare e fundshekullit XIX \u2013 fillimshekullit XX (e ashtuquajtur\u00a0 Rilindja Komb\u00ebtare),L\u00ebvizja e Grupeve Komuniste e viteve \u201930, L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosja n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (edhe pse n\u00ebn rrezik t\u00eb fort\u00eb kompromentimi nga m\u00ebnyra sesi vet\u00ebvendoshm\u00ebrisht po merr \u00e7ehren e sistemit) (nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb L\u00ebvizje duke u mb\u00ebshtetur vet\u00ebm tek aktivizmi inicialist i lavd\u00ebruesh\u00ebm, pa e ekspozuar doktrin\u00ebn, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht vizionin sesi duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb konfigurimi institucional dhe kulturor q\u00eb e prosperon shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare)<\/p>\n

Mungesa n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje shp\u00ebrnd\u00ebrruese p\u00ebr sistemin politik dhe kulturor t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 35 vjet\u00ebve, neoliberal neokolonialisht: ky \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi m\u00eb i madh q\u00eb kemi. Kjo munges\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb kompensohet as me protesta gjenuine, as me shpresa t\u00eb pap\u00eblqyeshme se protestat do t\u00eb ndjellin komplote gjeopolitike t\u00eb favorshme e do t\u00eb na \u00e7lirojn\u00eb nga e keqja: p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb komploti ose jo, e suksesshme ose jo, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme protesta n\u00eb vetvete, por n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ndjell\u00eb ajo m\u00ebpas nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, q\u00eb n\u00eb kushtet neutrale t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb protest\u00ebs, t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb frym\u00ebn e saj e t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr aspiratat m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

I cili ky merak vet\u00eb, para gjith\u00e7kaje do t\u00eb paraqitet si problem logjistik dhe jo programor: a ka njer\u00ebz, a ka nj\u00eb grusht njer\u00ebzish, q\u00eb do t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr barr\u00ebn e Protest\u00ebs, pas protest\u00ebs, pa protest\u00eb. Se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmi i dyt\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shmangim: fill pas protest\u00ebs, sido t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllet ajo, tek t\u00eb mbijetuarit prej \u201csuksesit t\u00eb saj\u201d, a do t\u00eb shfaqet (para se t\u00eb shfaqet madje nevoja e L\u00ebvizjes) nj\u00eb grup i vog\u00ebl q\u00eb\u00a0 t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr barr\u00ebn q\u00eb frym\u00ebn e mir\u00eb dhe pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e lavd\u00ebruara t\u00eb protest\u00ebs, t\u2019i hedh\u00eb si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi mbi vete, t\u00eb angazhohet se do t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb atyre, duke q\u00ebndruar vet\u00eb jasht\u00eb sistemit e pavar\u00ebsisht faktit se kush e ka at\u00eb \u2013 sistemin, p\u00ebr ta qortuar dhe humanizuar,\u00a0 dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm mendjes shqiptare p\u00ebrfytyrimin e mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi portativ, pesha e t\u00eb cilit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe se e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, burrave e grave t\u00eb saj, brezave t\u00eb saj, vlerave universale t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe zhvillimit dhe t\u00eb nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u kultivuar prej Zotit dhe jo prej sistemit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpos q\u00eb duhet ditur medoemos edhe kjo: jo vet\u00ebm relacioni mes Protest\u00eb dhe L\u00ebvizjes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb statik, por t\u00eb gjith\u00eb relacionet e seris\u00eb terminologjike, n\u00eb kushte dinamike b\u00ebhen transaksionale, pra n\u00eb veprim e sip\u00ebr\u00a0 t\u00eb gjitha ato mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb nj\u00ebra \u2013 tjetr\u00ebn, se jo vet\u00ebm Protesta mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, por edhe Revolta n\u00eb Kryengritje a Revolucion, Kryengritja vet\u00eb\u00a0 po ashtu sigurisht n\u00eb Revolucion, por edhe L\u00ebvizja me zgjatjen dhe konsolidimin e saj, do p\u00ebrballet me detyrimin madje t\u00eb bartet n\u00eb Revolucion (me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e nj\u00eb Revolte a Kryengritje, apo Drejtp\u00ebrdrejt, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk ka nj\u00eb formul\u00eb). Pra L\u00ebvizja, me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nga gjith\u00eb sa tham\u00eb derim\u00ebk\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00eblqyeshme dhe e tolerueshme pasiq\u00eb\u00a0 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr ndryshim, por sikurse e tham\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb, sistemi n\u00eb vetvete zot\u00ebron vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mjesht\u00ebri: t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht e t\u00eb mos vet\u00ebabrogohet, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se n\u00ebse me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb vjen nj\u00eb moment ku me sy t\u00eb lir\u00eb dallohet se sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb zgrip, do t\u00eb duhet pashmangshm\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim sadokudo i forc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb plot\u00ebsuar argumentin e fundit pse duhet t\u00eb bjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Prandaj qart\u00ebsia n\u00eb shquarjen e dallimeve mes Protest\u00ebs dhe L\u00ebvizjes \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore: nj\u00eb Protest\u00eb, e cila vet\u00ebm okazionalisht mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb L\u00ebvizje, nuk e p\u00ebrball\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb me dilem\u00ebn sesi duhet t\u00eb sillet me opsionin e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar gjendjen e gj\u00ebrave (a thua se\u00a0 forca \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrjashtuar apriori), kurse nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje jo q\u00eb her\u00ebt, por n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb von\u00eb\u00a0 t\u00eb saj, kur t\u00eb arrij\u00eb pjekurin\u00eb (n\u00ebse e mb\u00ebrrin dot) pashmangshm\u00ebrisht do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb shqyrtimin e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs si shteg i detyruesh\u00ebm i daljes nga skena t\u00eb sistemit ekzistues. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, duke qen\u00eb se cilikush do me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem duhet ta dij\u00eb se forca \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e repertorit t\u00eb mjeteve p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb, se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja q\u00eb e shtyn forc\u00ebn gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb von\u00eb (si\u00e7 duhet t\u00eb shtyj\u00eb pambarimisht tundimin p\u00ebr t\u2019u kooptuar n\u00eb sistem) dhe e vetmja q\u00eb kur shtyrja s\u2019mundet m\u00eb, synon p\u00ebrdorim sa m\u00eb t\u00eb kkontrolluar t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Ngavet\u00ebmprejk\u00ebtu mund t\u2019i japim p\u00ebrgjigje \u00e7\u00ebshtjes t\u00eb ngritur n\u00eb fillim, pra se \u00e7far\u00eb mbahet parasysh n\u00eb mendjen shqiptare kur shqyrtohet Ndryshimi i Gjendjes: (n\u00eb dy nivele) nj\u00eb ndryshim q\u00eb kalon p\u00ebrmes impenjimit total dhe sakrific\u00ebs (L\u00ebvizja), apo nj\u00eb ndryshim i realizuar me p\u00ebrpjekjet m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb mundshme (Protesta); dhe nj\u00eb ndryshim q\u00eb limiton damet dhe nd\u00ebshkon ekseset (Protesta), apo nj\u00eb ndryshim q\u00eb synon rivitalizimin e gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (L\u00ebvizja) n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje q\u00eb s\u2019mbyllet kund\u00ebr sistemit, q\u00eb e ka n\u00eb natyr\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebse fiton p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, nuk ndalet m\u00eb drejt kulmit t\u00eb tij, q\u00eb\u00a0 s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7 t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

M\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbyllur k\u00ebto sh\u00ebnime \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga fjalimet e Protest\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim, mbajtur m\u00eb 12 qershor nga aktivisti Gerdi Demneri, fjalim me \u00e7do fjal\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cilit pajtohet edhe shkruesi i k\u00ebtyre rreshtave p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kuptimit n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb mes \u00e7far\u00eb kemi sjell\u00eb k\u00ebtu, dhe k\u00ebtij fjalimi:<\/p>\n

Sot jemi mbledhur k\u00ebtu si qytetar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrballja me padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimi m\u00eb i madh q\u00eb mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjm\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Mes nesh ka njer\u00ebz me bindje t\u00eb ndryshme politike, shoq\u00ebrore e fetare, por na bashkon nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e madhe: bindja se e mira e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nuk duhet l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00ebn e arbitraritetit, padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, dhun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Edhe ne si musliman\u00eb jemi k\u00ebtu, p\u00ebr t\u00eb plot\u00ebsuar obligimin n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin na ka vendosur Zoti, p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar n\u00eb an\u00ebn e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Feja jon\u00eb na m\u00ebson t\u00eb mos pajtohemi me padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, t\u00eb mos heshtim kur cenohet e drejta dhe t\u00eb jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs me drejt\u00ebsi e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi. Prandaj prania jon\u00eb k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb detyrimi moral: t\u00eb mos rrim\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb kur preket e mira e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Ne nuk besojm\u00eb se protesta, n\u00eb vetvete, \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhja e plot\u00eb e problemit. Zgjidhja nuk lind vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb shesh, nga nj\u00eb thirrje, nga nj\u00eb dit\u00eb zem\u00ebrimi apo nga nj\u00eb \u00e7ast i fort\u00eb reagimi. Protesta nuk nd\u00ebrton vet\u00eb institucione t\u00eb drejta, nuk pastron vet\u00eb korrupsionin dhe nuk e sh\u00ebron vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Por protesta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsie. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjim. Nj\u00eb shkundje. Nj\u00eb kujtes\u00eb se populli nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb turm\u00eb pa z\u00eb, por bashk\u00ebsi njer\u00ebzish me dinjitet, me nd\u00ebrgjegje dhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb fatin e vet n\u00eb dor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Detyra jon\u00eb nuk mbaron sot ,nuk mbaron me fundin e protest\u00ebs,cilado qoft\u00eb masa e suksesit t\u00eb saj. N\u00eb fakt jam k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar prej cilido q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sot n\u00eb shesh, sesa \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi ndaj s\u00eb mir\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb n\u00eb\u00a0 angazhim t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. N\u00ebse kjo protest\u00eb nuk kultivon tek nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb prej nesh nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs n\u00eb raport refuzimi apo protetstimi t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm ndaj padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb frutet e saj do t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsohen nga m\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqijt\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj shoq\u00ebrie dhe kjo nevoj\u00eb fisnike p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi do t\u00eb humbas\u00eb\u00a0 akoma pa marr\u00eb form\u00eb. Pra ruajtja e dobis\u00eb s\u00eb protest\u00ebs pas rr\u00ebzimit t\u00eb despotit, para se t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me ekzistenc\u00ebn ose jo t\u00eb nj\u00eb programi , ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn ose jo t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi burrash q\u00eb e shnd\u00ebrron n\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb vet protestimin dhe refuzimin e padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, pa qen\u00eb vet\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet dhe pa marr\u00eb parasysh se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n

Prandaj ne si musliman\u00eb angazhohemi q\u00eb t\u00eb mos jemi thjesht pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb proteste, por pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebr rind\u00ebrtimin e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb son\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, t\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb kjo val\u00eb reagimi t\u00eb mos shuhet si zhurm\u00eb \u00e7asti, por t\u00eb b\u00ebhet fillim i nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi, dinjitet dhe rind\u00ebrtim moral t\u00eb jet\u00ebs son\u00eb publike. Dhe ne si musliman\u00eb besojm\u00eb sipas frym\u00ebs s\u00eb Kuranit se sikurse padrejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb frut i hidhur i bjerrjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies me\u00a0 Zotin, drejt\u00ebsia dhe mir\u00ebsia jan\u00eb frutet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebsh\u00ebnies m\u00eb Zotin.<\/p>\n

\n

Burimi: tesheshi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

1.\u00c7far\u00eb ka p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi t\u00eb kuptohet pik\u00ebrisht tani Edhe pse k\u00ebto n\u00eb dit\u00eb t\u00eb para t\u00eb qershorit po ndodh leht\u00ebsisht m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira, ajo q\u00eb quhej m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndodhur, pra ngritja e nj\u00eb mase t\u00eb madhe njer\u00ebzish kund\u00ebr rr\u00ebnimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb nga nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e krupshme e vet\u00ebquajtur Rilindja (p\u00ebrmes Partis\u00eb Socialiste \u2013 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":116170,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-116171","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116171","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=116171"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116171\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/116170"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=116171"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=116171"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=116171"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}