{"id":116175,"date":"2026-08-09T17:20:51","date_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:20:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-dr-ervin-muco-schmitt-dhe-bourdieu-dy-narrativa-per-te-kuptuar-protestat\/"},"modified":"2026-08-09T17:20:51","modified_gmt":"2026-08-09T14:20:51","slug":"nga-dr-ervin-muco-schmitt-dhe-bourdieu-dy-narrativa-per-te-kuptuar-protestat","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/nga-dr-ervin-muco-schmitt-dhe-bourdieu-dy-narrativa-per-te-kuptuar-protestat\/","title":{"rendered":"Nga Dr. Ervin Mu\u00e7o: Schmitt dhe Bourdieu: dy narrativa p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar protestat"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Nga<\/figure>\n

Protestat q\u00eb shohim sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa zem\u00ebrimin e momentit. Ato pasqyrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje themelore: kujt i p\u00ebrket territori dhe kush vendos p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e tij?<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse e shohim k\u00ebt\u00eb moment politik p\u00ebrmes lentes s\u00eb Carl Schmitt-it dhe librit t\u00eb tij Toka dhe Deti, k\u00ebto protesta nuk lidhen thjesht me nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb caktuar investimi apo me nj\u00eb resort. Ato p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb midis dy m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarit dhe organizimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebs: tok\u00ebs dhe detit.<\/p>\n

Sipas Schmitt-it, historia e njer\u00ebzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb form\u00ebsuar shpesh nga p\u00ebrplasja midis tok\u00ebs dhe detit. Toka simbolizon rendin, kufijt\u00eb, identitetin, komunitetin dhe kujtes\u00ebn. Deti p\u00ebrfshin l\u00ebvizjen, tregtin\u00eb, kapitalin, rrjetet globale dhe ndryshimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm. Toka k\u00ebrkon stabilitet, nd\u00ebrsa deti k\u00ebrkon qarkullim.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e sotme, ky konflikt duket qart\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vij\u00ebs bregdetare.<\/p>\n

Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb q\u00ebndron nxitja p\u00ebr zhvillim ekonomik, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs Shqip\u00ebria duhet t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb potencialin e saj bregdetar p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr investime, turiz\u00ebm dhe kapital. Nga kjo pik\u00ebpamje, bregdeti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb peizazh i bukur; ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb motor ekonomik me potencial ende t\u00eb pashfryt\u00ebzuar. Deti b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u lidhur me bot\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr q\u00ebndron perspektiva e tok\u00ebs: territori nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb aset ekonomik, por pjes\u00eb e kujtes\u00ebs kolektive, identitetit lokal dhe interesit publik. Shum\u00eb protestues shqet\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb vet\u00ebm nd\u00ebrtimi. Shqet\u00ebsimi i tyre m\u00eb i thell\u00eb lidhet me faktin n\u00ebse vendimet mbi hap\u00ebsirat publike po largohen nga komunitetet dhe po kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb duart e pushtetit politik dhe investitor\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj.<\/p>\n

Ndoshta pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron thelbi i protestave.<\/p>\n

Schmitt-i prezanton nj\u00eb koncept ky\u00e7: nomos-in, rendin q\u00eb lind kur nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri vendos se si ndahet dhe p\u00ebrdoret toka. Ai argumenton se n\u00eb \u00e7do epok\u00eb konfliktet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme lindin kur ky rend ndryshon. Kur njer\u00ebzit ndiejn\u00eb se m\u00ebnyra se si e kuptojn\u00eb territorin e tyre po transformohet pa miratimin e tyre, lind rezistenca.<\/p>\n

Ndoshta kjo shpjegon pse protestat e sotme duken m\u00eb intensive sesa debate thjesht teknike. Diskutimi nuk lidhet vet\u00ebm me investimet apo mbrojtjen e mjedisit. Ai lidhet me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si nj\u00eb vend i vog\u00ebl si Shqip\u00ebria e imagjinon t\u00eb ardhmen e vet: si nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb balancon me kujdes zhvillimin dhe ruajtjen e territorit, apo si nj\u00eb territor q\u00eb hapet plot\u00ebsisht ndaj logjik\u00ebs globale t\u00eb kapitalit dhe turizmit.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se zhvillimi dhe mbrojtja e territorit duhet domosdoshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt. P\u00ebrkundrazi, pyetja kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ekziston nj\u00eb model q\u00eb mund t\u2019i balancoj\u00eb t\u00eb dyja: t\u00eb zhvillohet pa humbur ndjenj\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrparoj\u00eb pa e shnd\u00ebrruar territorin n\u00eb nj\u00eb mall t\u00eb zhveshur nga historia dhe kujtesa e tij.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, protestat n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri lidhen me m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Ato prekin nj\u00eb ide m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe: \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00ebrosh dhe t\u00eb qeveris\u00ebsh territorin t\u00ebnd n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb globalizuar.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu, Toka dhe Deti b\u00ebhet m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr e historis\u00eb politike. Ajo sh\u00ebrben si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar sfidat e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb sotme.<\/p>\n

Konflikti q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan Schmitt-i zhvillohet n\u00eb disa nivele. Nd\u00ebrsa ai na ndihmon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb pse territori b\u00ebhet shkak i mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve politike, Pierre Bourdieu na lejon t\u00eb shohim nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs betej\u00eb: luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar kuptimin e territorit. Schmitt-i flet p\u00ebr territorin si rend politik; Bourdieu p\u00ebrqendrohet te territori si objekt i pushtetit simbolik.<\/p>\n

Jo t\u00eb gjitha konfliktet politike zhvillohen p\u00ebr kontrollin e tok\u00ebs apo t\u00eb burimeve. Disa zhvillohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb: mbi t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar kuptimet q\u00eb form\u00ebsojn\u00eb identitetin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie. Kush p\u00ebrcakton \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvillimi? Kush vendos se \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn interes publik? Kush ka fuqin\u00eb t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes si racional dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm?<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto pyetje shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej projekteve konkrete apo konflikteve t\u00eb momentit dhe ndihmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar disa nga debatet m\u00eb intensive q\u00eb po zhvillohen sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb tension, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndri\u00e7uese jan\u00eb idet\u00eb e Pierre Bourdieu-s\u00eb, sidomos ato t\u00eb zhvilluara n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e tij Mbi Shtetin. P\u00ebr t\u00eb, arritja m\u00eb e madhe historike e shtetit nuk q\u00ebndron te p\u00ebrdorimi i forc\u00ebs, por te kontrolli mbi kuptimin. Shteti b\u00ebhet v\u00ebrtet i fuqish\u00ebm kur arrin t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb kornizat p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave shoq\u00ebria kupton dhe interpreton realitetin. Ai p\u00ebrcakton \u00e7far\u00eb konsiderohet interes publik, \u00e7far\u00eb quhet zhvillim, \u00e7far\u00eb kuptohet si progres dhe cilat vizione t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes fitojn\u00eb legjitimitet.<\/p>\n

Nga kjo perspektiv\u00eb, protestat n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri rreth territorit, investimeve dhe hap\u00ebsirave publike nuk jan\u00eb thjesht mosmarr\u00ebveshje mbi projekte konkrete. Ato p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb mbi autoritetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar vet\u00eb realitetin shoq\u00ebror. N\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb tyre q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb pyetje thelb\u00ebsore: kush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn legjitime t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb interesin publik dhe zhvillimin?<\/p>\n

Sipas Bourdieu-s\u00eb, shteti nuk sundon vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs fizike, si\u00e7 argumentonte Max Weber. Ai sundon edhe p\u00ebrmes pushtetit simbolik: aft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit q\u00eb pranohen si t\u00eb natyrshme dhe universale. Pik\u00ebrisht kjo i jep shtetit ndikimin e tij t\u00eb madh. Ai jo vet\u00ebm detyron; ai bind. Ai nuk qeveris vet\u00ebm; ai prodhon kuptim.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj lenteje, debatet mbi territorin shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb, investimeve apo planeve t\u00eb zhvillimit. Ato lidhen me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si vet\u00eb territori kuptohet dhe p\u00ebrkufizohet.<\/p>\n

Kur institucionet publike flasin p\u00ebr investime strategjike, rritje ekonomike, modernizim, vende pune dhe zhvillim turistik, ato nuk po p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb realitet ekzistues. Ato po nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb perceptim t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb realitetit. N\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimin e Bourdieu-s\u00eb, shteti po ushtron pushtetin e tij simbolik duke p\u00ebrcaktuar kategorit\u00eb legjitime t\u00eb interpretimit.<\/p>\n

Terma si \u201czhvillim\u201d, \u201cinteres publik\u201d, \u201cpron\u00eb private\u201d, \u201cmodernizim\u201d apo \u201caset strategjik\u201d nuk jan\u00eb kurr\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht neutral\u00eb. Ato jan\u00eb kategori politike q\u00eb paraqiten si kategori teknike. Fuqia e tyre q\u00ebndron n\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb fshehur natyr\u00ebn e tyre politike dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u paraqitur si interpretime objektive t\u00eb realitetit.<\/p>\n

Bourdieu v\u00ebren gjithashtu se nj\u00eb nga funksionet kryesore t\u00eb shtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb universalizimi i interesave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta. Shteti mund ta paraqes\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb caktuar politike si interes t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm. Kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton domosdoshm\u00ebrisht pandershm\u00ebri; ajo tregon m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionon pushteti shtet\u00ebror, duke prodhuar p\u00ebrkufizime q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb vlefshm\u00ebri universale.<\/p>\n

Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb q\u00ebndron narrativa zyrtare, e cila paraqet transformimet e territorit si t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr zhvillimin dhe interesin komb\u00ebtar. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt, aktivist\u00ebt dhe komunitetet lokale, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje jo vet\u00ebm projektin konkret, por edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si p\u00ebrkufizohet vet\u00eb problemi.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, protestat nuk jan\u00eb thjesht reagime ndaj nj\u00eb vendimi. Ato p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar kontrollin e shtetit mbi prodhimin e kuptimit. Konflikti nuk kufizohet te toka; ai p\u00ebrfshin edhe kategorit\u00eb p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave flitet p\u00ebr tok\u00ebn. P\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb peizazhi fizik, ka ndryshuar tashm\u00eb peizazhi simbolik.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb plazh nuk paraqitet m\u00eb si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb publike, ekosistem apo pjes\u00eb e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb kolektive, por si potencial ekonomik. Nj\u00eb zon\u00eb natyrore shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb \u201caset\u201d. Nj\u00eb projekt politik paraqitet si domosdoshm\u00ebri teknike. Nj\u00eb debat publik reduktohet n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ekspertize.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu hyn n\u00eb loj\u00eb koncepti i Bourdieu-s\u00eb p\u00ebr dhun\u00ebn simbolike: jo imponimi i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me forc\u00eb, por imponimi i m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekzistuese t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb duken normale, natyrore dhe t\u00eb padiskutueshme.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, kur qytetar\u00ebt protestojn\u00eb, ata nuk kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb projekt nd\u00ebrtimi, nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb apo nj\u00eb vendim administrativ. Ata kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb organizimit t\u00eb realitetit. Ata sfidojn\u00eb pretendimin se ekziston vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb legjitime p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, pyetja kryesore q\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb k\u00ebto protesta nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse nj\u00eb projekt \u00ebsht\u00eb ekonomikisht i leverdish\u00ebm. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb themelore: kush ka autoritetin t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb interesin publik?<\/p>\n

Perspektiva e Bourdieu-s\u00eb na fton t\u00eb rimendojm\u00eb vet\u00eb demokracin\u00eb. Demokracia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm konkurrenc\u00eb mes ideve politike. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu konkurrenc\u00eb mes m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb em\u00ebrtimit dhe interpretimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Ajo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar kuptimin e fjal\u00ebve q\u00eb organizojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn kolektive.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb po shohim sot \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje midis kontrollit simbolik t\u00eb shtetit dhe p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb rimarr\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar realitetin p\u00ebr veten e tyre. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb debat mbi tok\u00ebn; \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb debat mbi at\u00eb se kush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb historin\u00eb e asaj toke, t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb funksionin e saj dhe t\u00eb vendos\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb lloj t\u00eb ardhmeje konsiderohet e d\u00ebshirueshme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund, Schmitt-i dhe Bourdieu nuk ofrojn\u00eb shpjegime kund\u00ebrshtuese, por plot\u00ebsuese. Schmitt-i na ndihmon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb konfliktin mbi territorin dhe rendin q\u00eb e organizon at\u00eb. Bourdieu na ndihmon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb betej\u00ebn mbi kuptimet q\u00eb legjitimojn\u00eb at\u00eb rend. N\u00eb protestat e sotme, k\u00ebto dy dimensione nd\u00ebrthuren. Qytetar\u00ebt kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm transformimin e territorit, por edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ky transformim em\u00ebrtohet si zhvillim, interes publik apo domosdoshm\u00ebri komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, beteja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk lidhet vet\u00ebm me at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet. Ajo lidhet me pyetjen se kush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb vendos\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb konsiderohet zhvillim, kush p\u00ebrcakton interesin publik dhe cil\u00ebt z\u00ebra kan\u00eb autoritetin t\u00eb form\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

\n

Burimi: tesheshi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Protestat q\u00eb shohim sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa zem\u00ebrimin e momentit. Ato pasqyrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje themelore: kujt i p\u00ebrket territori dhe kush vendos p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e tij? N\u00ebse e shohim k\u00ebt\u00eb moment politik p\u00ebrmes lentes s\u00eb Carl Schmitt-it dhe librit t\u00eb tij Toka dhe Deti, k\u00ebto protesta nuk lidhen thjesht me […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":116174,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-116175","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116175","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=116175"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/116175\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/116174"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=116175"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=116175"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=116175"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}