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N\u00eb debatet e fundit televizive mbi Islamin, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa panele, kemi par\u00eb laborator\u00eb t\u00eb paragjykimit t\u00eb rafinuar, ku gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb pajisur me retorik\u00eb europianiste, por t\u00eb varf\u00ebr n\u00eb njohuri fetare, juridike dhe sociologjike, prodhojn\u00eb panik moral t\u00eb veshur si analiz\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Intervista e fundit nuk ishte debat publik; ishte performanc\u00eb e pasiguris\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon fajtor\u00eb simbolik\u00eb. Dhe imami i ftuar, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, u gjet n\u00eb rolin e nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmitari t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruar, i cili jo vet\u00ebm duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrballonte pyetjet p\u00ebr mua fyese, por edhe presupozimet e rrezikshme q\u00eb fshiheshin n\u00ebn to.<\/p>\n
Gabimi m\u00eb i madh filozofik i gazetarit ishte pretendimi i tij i kamufluar, e megjithat\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm, se ai kishte autoritet t\u00eb tregonte se si duhen edukuar f\u00ebmij\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb: nj\u00eb shkelje e r\u00ebnd\u00eb e autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb prindit, q\u00eb filozofia politike e konsideron themelin e liris\u00eb private. Sipas John Stuart Mill, shteti dhe publiku nuk mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyjn\u00eb n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e brendshme t\u00eb edukimit moral t\u00eb familjes pa e dhunuar lirin\u00eb individuale. Sipas Durkheim, familja \u00ebsht\u00eb institucioni i par\u00eb i socializimit, dhe \u00e7do nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb t\u00eb, k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb legjitimitet q\u00eb gazetaria nuk e ka kurr\u00eb. Pretendimi se nj\u00eb prind \u201cpo indoktrinon\u201d thjesht pse e \u00e7on f\u00ebmij\u00ebn n\u00eb xhami \u00ebsht\u00eb sociologjikisht absurd, filozofikisht ilegjitim dhe politikisht autoritar.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb t\u00eb minuar, gazetari e niste intervist\u00ebn me nj\u00eb ton gjoja t\u00eb p\u00ebrzem\u00ebrt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar gradualisht n\u00eb insinuata t\u00eb r\u00ebnduara dhe t\u00eb strukturuara. Ai k\u00ebrkonte ta siguronte publikun se po b\u00ebnte pyetje \u201cn\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d, por n\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebrdorte at\u00eb q\u00eb Michel Foucault e quan \u201cdiskurs disiplinues\u201d: nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur veten n\u00eb pozicionin e arbitrit moral dhe tjetrin n\u00eb pozit\u00eb mbrojtjeje.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb analizonte realitetin, gazetari nd\u00ebrtoi narrativ\u00ebn se problemet e siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare burojn\u00eb nga xhamit\u00eb, sikur objektet e kultit t\u00eb ishin struktura paramilitare, dhe jo hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb shpirtit dhe lutjes. Ky lloj arsyetimi \u00ebsht\u00eb sociologjikisht i \u00e7al\u00eb, i mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb fenomenin e \u201cmoral panic\u201d, nj\u00eb teori e mir\u00ebdokumentuar nga Stanley Cohen e q\u00eb tregon se shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shpesh krijojn\u00eb \u201cdjaj moral\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur iluzionin e stabilitetit.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb tensioni simbolik, imami i ftuar dukej i lodhur nga p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur qet\u00ebsin\u00eb. Ai nuk ishte aty p\u00ebr t\u00eb debatuar si filozof apo jurist, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar si figur\u00eb publike. Ndaj, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi t\u00eb qart\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i rikthente kufijt\u00eb e respektit, ai zgjodhi t\u2019i shmangej konfliktit, me shpres\u00ebn se paqja do t\u00eb interpretohej si urt\u00ebsi. Por urt\u00ebsia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb qet\u00ebsi e imponuar. Urt\u00ebsia, si\u00e7 e kupton etika islame, \u00ebsht\u00eb guxim i maturuar. Ajo nuk zgjedh heshtjen, por fjal\u00ebn e sakt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Frustrimi i tij shihej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si mundohej t\u2019i jepte \u00e7do pyetjeje nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje pajtuese, sikur qet\u00ebsia e publikut ishte p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e tij personale. Madje n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kulmor, ai tha: \u201cUn\u00eb jam i Rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb Kavaj\u00ebs\u201d, duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohej moderatorit se nuk di \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb xhamit\u00eb e tjera.<\/p>\n
Por kjo fjali na zbulon nj\u00eb dimension shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb sociologjik: presioni i nj\u00eb stigme publike t\u00eb ngjizur prej vitesh, sidomos pas retorikave \u201cletraro-politike\u201d, ku \u201cimami i Rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb Kavaj\u00ebs\u201d u mitologjizua si figur\u00eb e err\u00ebsir\u00ebs nga nj\u00eb shkrimtar q\u00eb, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb fam\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebrfitimit personal, i jep vler\u00eb metafor\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb shfrenuar, duke e shpallur jo vet\u00ebm art, por \u201cm\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn prej krejtve\u201d- sikur \u00e7do stigmatizim publik, t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb gar\u00eb p\u00ebr ekselenc\u00eb estetike.<\/p>\n
Ky fenomen quhet \u201cinternalizim i etiketimit\u201d: kur njeriu nis ta pranoj\u00eb korniz\u00ebn e tjetrit p\u00ebr veten, dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga format m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs simbolike. Sa e dhimbshme.<\/p>\n
Hoxha i ftuar, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, u gjend n\u00eb rolin e njeriut q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb fytyr\u00ebn e vet, jo dinjitetin e komunitetit q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb artikulonte parimin themelor se: Ezani \u00ebsht\u00eb akt fetar, jo zhurm\u00eb. Dhe nuk negociohet, sepse liria fetare nuk negociohet, ai l\u00ebshoi nj\u00eb premtim q\u00eb ra si shuplak\u00eb e vet\u00ebbesimit institucional: \u201cDo ta flas me myftiun, do e zgjidhim.\u201d<\/p>\n
Pse duhet \u201czgjidhur\u201d nj\u00eb e drejt\u00eb kushtetuese?<\/p>\n
Si mund t\u00eb shkruhet me qet\u00ebsi se ezani \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cproblematik\u201d kur i nj\u00ebjti qytet bu\u00e7et nat\u00eb e dit\u00eb nga lokalet, koncertet dhe tubimet partiake?<\/p>\n
Premtimi i hoxh\u00ebs ishte i rreziksh\u00ebm. Jo sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i pav\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u2014 por sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i pavend n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn morale t\u00eb klerikut. Hoxha nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i thirrur t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb identitetin e besimtar\u00ebve p\u00ebr komoditetin e nj\u00eb gazetari,as t\u00eb vetin e as p\u00ebr shijet urbanistike t\u00eb askujt. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i thirrur t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb parimin. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, d\u00ebshtoi.<\/p>\n
Kjo intervist\u00eb tregoi qart\u00eb se laiciteti n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri shpesh interpretohet si k\u00ebrkes\u00eb q\u00eb feja t\u00eb hesht\u00eb. Por laiciteti nuk ka qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb, n\u00eb asnj\u00eb teori moderne, imponim i neutralitetit mbi qytetarin; vet\u00ebm mbi shtetin. Rawls e b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb se shteti duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb neutral, jo individ\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
Taylor shpjegon se pluralizmi k\u00ebrkon bashk\u00ebjetes\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb dallimeve, jo zhdukjen e tyre. Habermas thekson se feja \u00ebsht\u00eb aktor legjitim n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike. N\u00eb teorin\u00eb moderne t\u00eb pluralizmit (Habermas, Taylor, Rawls), feja \u00ebsht\u00eb: kontribuese n\u00eb formimin e hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs publike, jo nj\u00eb penges\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb neutralizohet. Dimensioni i liris\u00eb fetare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i negociuesh\u00ebm. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb detyrim i shtetit. Dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar nj\u00eb z\u00ebri konceptualisht: feja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb devijim urban, por p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs i sh\u00ebndetsh\u00ebm i jet\u00ebs qytetare. Ndaj, t\u00eb quash ezanin \u201czhurm\u00eb akustike\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt filozofikisht primitiv, sociologjikisht i pasakt\u00eb dhe politikisht diskriminues.<\/p>\n
Duke e trajtuar ezanin si problem, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb zhurmat e tjera urbane \u2013 muzikat e lokaleve, fushatat elektorale, mitingjet \u2013 trajtohen si \u201cgjall\u00ebri qyteti\u201d, media po prodhon nj\u00eb standard t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb. Ky standard \u00ebsht\u00eb shkelje e barazis\u00eb morale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, q\u00eb sipas filozofis\u00eb politike moderne \u00ebsht\u00eb themeli i shtetit pluralist. Nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb toleron \u00e7do zhurm\u00eb, por jo thirrjen e fes\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebri laike; \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebri alergjike ndaj prezenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Zotit n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike. Dhe politikisht, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet pluralist: feja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shtojc\u00eb folklorike, por kategori juridike dhe, kushtetuta e k\u00ebtij shteti, nuk e trajton fen\u00eb si \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtje estetike\u201d, por si t\u00eb drejt\u00eb themelore t\u00eb njeriut. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb:<\/p>\n
Besimtar\u00ebt nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb paduksh\u00ebm,<\/p>\n
Objektet e kultit nuk jan\u00eb \u201cprishje e peizazhit\u201d,<\/p>\n
Praktikat fetare nuk jan\u00eb \u201cshqet\u00ebsime urbane\u201d,<\/p>\n
Ezani \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e shprehjes publike t\u00eb fes\u00eb.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb ilustruar absurdin: imagjinoni n\u00ebse do t\u2019i k\u00ebrkonim Kish\u00ebs Autoqefale t\u00eb ndaloj\u00eb k\u00ebmbanat q\u00eb bien \u00e7do or\u00eb, ose pastor\u00ebve t\u00eb ndalojn\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb tubimet e tyre \u2013 do t\u00eb dukej e pabesueshme dhe e papranueshme. K\u00ebshtu edhe \u00e7do negociat\u00eb mbi ezanin \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00eb ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb morale dhe fetare.<\/p>\n
Sulmet e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura ndaj Islamit jan\u00eb shenj\u00eb e nj\u00eb regresi demokratik<\/p>\n
Sa her\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria kalon kriz\u00eb politike, ekonomike apo kulturore,\u00a0 n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb analizoj\u00eb shkaqet reale, publiku kthehet ndaj sh\u00ebnjestrave t\u00eb lehta:<\/p>\n
Ky fenomen quhet \u201cscapegoating\u201d, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm socio-politik i shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb pasigurta.<\/p>\n
Dhe fakti q\u00eb ai p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet her\u00eb pas here tregon se: demokracia shqiptare nuk e ka p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar ende kultur\u00ebn e pluralizmit fetar. Ne ende nuk e kemi normalizuar iden\u00eb se qytetaria dhe besimi mund t\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb pa konflikt. Dhe imagjinoni q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn nj\u00eb gazetar: n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, sulmon dinjitetin dhe identitetin e gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb kombit.<\/p>\n
Kur gazetari guxoi t\u00eb fliste si edukator i f\u00ebmij\u00ebve mysliman\u00eb, nd\u00ebrhyrja e tij kaloi nga opinioni n\u00eb paternaliz\u00ebm moral. Duke u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u2019i tregoj\u00eb imamit se si duhet edukuar nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb, ai u pozicionua si autoritet mbi nd\u00ebrgjegjen e prindit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb filozofia politike e konsideron nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme t\u00eb autoritarizmit moral. Nuk ka asnj\u00eb teori demokratike q\u00eb i jep nj\u00eb gazetari t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb diktoj\u00eb normat edukative t\u00eb nj\u00eb komuniteti t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb gabimi i tij m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00eb: t\u00eb pretendosh t\u00eb jesh arbit\u00ebr i edukimit t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb besimtar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb shkel\u00ebsh kufirin e shenjt\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb familjare.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb, premtimi i imamit se \u201cdo ta flas me myftiun, do ta zgjidhim\u201d nuk ishte thjesht gabim komunikimi publik; ishte pasoj\u00eb e nj\u00eb presioni q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb sheshoj\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat fetare p\u00ebr t\u00eb qet\u00ebsuar \u201cnd\u00ebrgjegjen\u201d e nj\u00eb moderatori. Por t\u00eb drejtat fetare nuk zgjidhen, nuk negociohen, nuk balancohen sipas nervave t\u00eb nj\u00eb paneli televiziv. Ato jan\u00eb garanci t\u00eb pandryshueshme demokratike.\u00a0 N\u00eb \u00e7do demokraci funksionale, askush nuk guxon t\u2019i thot\u00eb nj\u00eb besimtari se feja e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb problem urbanistik. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht arsyeja pse kjo ngjarje \u00ebsht\u00eb simptom\u00eb e nj\u00eb deficiti demokratik shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh sesa nj\u00eb debat televiziv.<\/p>\n
Apeli politik \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb: Prania e fes\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb provokim dhe besimtari, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb falje pse ekziston.<\/p>\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb politika shqiptare t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb me qart\u00ebsi konceptuale dhe integritet institucional:<\/p>\n
Feja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dekor dhe liria fetare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje estetike.<\/p>\n
Ezani nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndotje akustike, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhurm\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Besimtari, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb objekt dekorativ i demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Dinjiteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb negociat\u00eb, dhe Islami, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb segment i margjinalizuar i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pandashme e trupit politik shqiptar. \u00c7do sulm kund\u00ebr tij nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb incident, \u00ebsht\u00eb simptom\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Dhe simptomat duhen trajtuar politikisht dhe institucionalisht, jo l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb qarkullojn\u00eb n\u00eb ekranet televizive t\u00eb ambalazhuara\u00a0 si \u201cdebat publik\u201d.<\/p>\n
Dhe si fund: Shqip\u00ebria nuk b\u00ebhet m\u00eb europiane duke shtypur pranin\u00eb e Islamit<\/p>\n
Europianizimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb proces i zbrazjes s\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs publike nga feja, por i forcimit t\u00eb garantimit t\u00eb lirive. Islami nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb problem i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e ADN-s\u00eb s\u00eb saj kulturore.T\u00eb drejtat e besimtar\u00ebve nuk jan\u00eb domein i diskutuesh\u00ebm. Jan\u00eb detyrim i patjet\u00ebrsuesh\u00ebm demokratik.<\/p>\n
Shqip\u00ebria nuk b\u00ebhet m\u00eb moderne duke i k\u00ebrkuar besimtarit t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i paduksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Nuk b\u00ebhet m\u00eb e sigurt duke e kthyer xhamin\u00eb n\u00eb subjekt dyshimi.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb trembet nga tingulli i ezanit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb nuk ka arritur t\u00eb pajtohet me identitetin e saj. E megjithat\u00eb kjo shoq\u00ebri, meriton t\u00eb lexoj\u00eb e d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb se Islami nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb problem i k\u00ebtij vendi. M\u00ebnyra si flitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb problem. Dhe p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb media do k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb fajtor\u00eb simbolik\u00eb, dhe p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb imami do detyrohet t\u00eb flas\u00eb si i akuzuar, dhe p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb gazetari do guxoj\u00eb t\u2019i tregoj\u00eb prindit mysliman se si duhet t\u00eb rris\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebn e vet, at\u00ebher\u00eb debati yn\u00eb publik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht i gabuar: \u00ebsht\u00eb moralisht i rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse duam nj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb Republik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb luksin, t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb fe.<\/p>\n
Burimi: tesheshi.com<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" N\u00eb debatet e fundit televizive mbi Islamin, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa panele, kemi par\u00eb laborator\u00eb t\u00eb paragjykimit t\u00eb rafinuar, ku gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb pajisur me retorik\u00eb europianiste, por t\u00eb varf\u00ebr n\u00eb njohuri fetare, juridike dhe sociologjike, prodhojn\u00eb panik moral t\u00eb veshur si analiz\u00eb. Intervista e fundit nuk ishte debat publik; ishte performanc\u00eb e pasiguris\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":86959,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-86958","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/86958","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=86958"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/86958\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":86960,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/86958\/revisions\/86960"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/86959"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=86958"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=86958"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/al\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=86958"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}