![](\"https:\/\/prizrenpost.com\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/05\/rama-zelensky-2-1068x592-1.jpg\")
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The debate on gradual integration into the union is bringing back the fear of a Europe with first and second rate member states<\/p>\n
There is an unwritten rule in European politics: when the European Union is not ready to fully enlarge, it invents intermediate formulas. Exactly such a formula has now returned to the center of the debate, after German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s proposal to give the candidate countries a kind of “associate membership”.<\/p>\n
So participation in EU institutions, but without the right to vote. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reacted immediately and without excessive diplomacy. For Kiev, a Europe where Ukraine is present, but silent, is not true integration.<\/p>\n
In the letter addressed to the top leaders of the European Union, Zelensky called this approach “unfair”, stressing that Ukraine cannot be treated as a second-rate member, while bearing the burden of the war on the continent.<\/p>\n
“We are defending Europe fully, not partially and not by mass” – he declared, rejecting any half model that would leave Ukraine in an intermediate political status. But this is exactly where the Albanian dilemma begins.<\/p>\n
Because while Zelensky rejects “half-membership”, another logic is being projected in the Balkans: gradual integration, selective participation and a Europe with several speeds. Albania, together with the other countries of the region, risks entering exactly this intermediate category, that is, neither outside the EU, nor really within it.<\/p>\n
The question that is being asked today is: would Edi Rama accept such a formula? The signs point to yes. A few weeks ago, in a joint editorial with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, Rama supported the idea of \u200b\u200ba gradual integration of the Western Balkans into European structures, before full membership.<\/p>\n
Basically, the concept was clear: the countries of the region have access to the European market, funds and institutional participation, even without being full members. A formula that at first glance seems pragmatic, but which raises a big political question: is the Albanian public opinion preparing to accept such a status?<\/p>\n
Rama can sell this as a historic success. It can present it as “Albania’s entry into the heart of Europe”, as a diplomatic trophy, as evidence that the country has finally overcome its historical isolation.<\/p>\n
In terms of propaganda, such an agreement would be easily marketable: the Albanian flag at European tables, participation in summits, additional funds and a more integrated economic movement.<\/p>\n
But the problem is elsewhere. What is the value of a presence without decision-making power? Can a status where Albania applies EU rules, but has no real weight in decision-making, be called membership? Where does it get obligations but not equal political sovereignty?<\/p>\n
Essentially, this would create a Europe with a center and a periphery, where the Balkan countries remain eternally in the waiting room. That is why Zelensky’s statement carries more weight than it seems.<\/p>\n
He is not only talking about Ukraine. It is challenging the very idea of \u200b\u200ba hierarchical Europe, where some countries decide and others simply follow. For Albania, the dilemma is even more sensitive.<\/p>\n
After more than three decades of transition and promises of European integration, Albanians can be offered a symbolic version of membership, a Europe without the right to vote. And the question that will dominate the political debate is whether this will be considered a strategic victory or a historical compromise disguised as a success. square<\/p>\n
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